আমার ফাঁসী চাই
Tuesday 2 July 2013
Amar Fashi Chai by Motiur Rahman Rentu
Amar Fashi Chai
Freedom Fighter Motiur Rahman Rentu
TABLE OF CONTENTS
TABLE OF CONTENTS................................................................................................................2
INTRODUCTION.........................................................................................................................5
SHEIKH HASINA IN POLITICS..................................................................................................7
THIS ZIA IS NOT THAT ZIA.......................................................................................................9
ASSASSINATION OF PRESIDENT ZIA.....................................................................................9
TRAINING IN LEBANON..........................................................................................................13
INVITING ERSHAD TO SEIZE POWER..................................................................................14
MID FEBRUARY STUDENT KILLING (1983)........................................................................15
The killing of Selim and Delwar...................................................................................................20
UNCIVILIZED UNPATRIOTIC FORCE...................................................................................23
REMOVE THE MOSQUE...........................................................................................................24
THE ELECTIONS OF 1986.........................................................................................................25
SUCH A LARGE FIELD.............................................................................................................28
THE PLAY ACTING OF POLITICAL MOVEMENT...............................................................29
DISSOLUTION OF ‘86 PARLIAMENT.....................................................................................29
THE FALL OF ERSHAD AND THE CARETAKER GOVERNMENT....................................30
ROLE OF THE ARMY IN THE FALL OF ERSHAD................................................................31
DRAMA ABOUT RESIGNATION.............................................................................................33
PRESIDENTIAL CANDIDATURE AGAINST MONEY..........................................................33
JAHANARA IMAM AND SHAIKH HASINA...........................................................................34
GHOLAM AZAM - SHEIKH HASINA PARLEY......................................................................36
1992-HINDU-MUSLIM RIOT.....................................................................................................36
STOPPING FERRY BOATS.......................................................................................................39
SECOND MEETING BETWEEN SHEIKH HASINA AND GHOLAM AZAM.......................40
THE DEMAND FOR CANCELING ELECTION OF CITY CORPORATION.........................40
I WANT MY SHARE OF THE BOOTY.....................................................................................42
JAHANARA IMAM IS DEAD - THE DANGER IS GONE.......................................................43
SHEIKH HASINA’S TRAIN IS SHOT AT.................................................................................44
THE ADVANCE OF TAKA FIFTY THOUSAND.....................................................................46
SCATTERING OF FLOWER......................................................................................................49
MAINTAINING PET DOGS.......................................................................................................50
HUSBAND AND WIFE NEVER SLEPT TOGETHER..............................................................51
INJURIES ON THE PERSON OF SHEIKH HASINA...............................................................52
STRANGE CHARACTER, ACTION AND FATE.....................................................................53
SHALL NOT MARRY DAUGHTER TO COLLABORATOR’S SON.....................................54
LEAVE AT ONCE.......................................................................................................................54
ONE CRORE 37 LAKH TAKA...................................................................................................55
LEADER IS NOW SAYING PRAYERS....................................................................................56
BETRAYAL WITH ME!.............................................................................................................57
I HAVE EATEN..........................................................................................................................58
BIRTH DAY OF BANGABANDHU SHEIKH MUJIB..............................................................59
YES, YES, VIDEO WOULD HAVE BEEN NICER...................................................................61
TELLING LIES TO SHEIKH HASINA......................................................................................61
IMPORTANCE OF AWAMI LEAGUE’S DECISION...............................................................62
SPEECH TO KEEP THE PUBLIC CALM..................................................................................64
PAPER, PEN, AMMUNITION, EXPLOSIVES AND STRIPPING...........................................65
PROPOSAL TO ARMY CHIEF GENERAL NASIM TO SEIZE POWER...............................67
I WANT DEAD BODIES OF POLICE, DEAD BODIES OF THE MILITARY.......................68
THE TRAITOR IS COMING.......................................................................................................70
THE HERO, THE MINISTER AND THE PEOPLE’S STAGE..................................................72
WE HAVE A PICNIC TODAY...................................................................................................73
MEETING BETWEEN SHEIKH HASINA AND GENERAL NASIM.....................................74
THE HINDUS VOTE FOR THE BOAT......................................................................................75
SELLING THE SEAT TO A RAZAKAR....................................................................................76
HINDUS ARE MY STRENGTH AND HOPE............................................................................77
SHE FLEES AWAY AFTER ORDERING DEPLOYMENT OF THE ARMY.........................78
ABU HENA’S ARRIVAL............................................................................................................83
GOVERNMENT BY CONSENSUS............................................................................................84
ROWSHAN ERSHAD GRABS HER FEET...............................................................................86
SEATS FOR THE BURQA-CLAD WOMEN.............................................................................87
HANIF, MINISTER FOR LGRD.................................................................................................89
EVERYONE HAS A SAD FACE................................................................................................89
TREACHERY WITH ME?..........................................................................................................90
UNBALANCED..........................................................................................................................91
TWO SISTERS DIVIDE THE SPOILS.......................................................................................92
SHARE MARKET SCAM...........................................................................................................93
THOSE SIX FREEDOM FIGHTERS..........................................................................................95
GETTING A DOCTORATE........................................................................................................96
FIRST VISIT TO THE USA........................................................................................................97
FIGHTER PLANE PURCHASE..................................................................................................98
KADER SIDDIQUT VERSUS SHEIKH HASINA...................................................................100
JUSTICE SHAHABUDDIN BECOMES PRESIDENT............................................................102
CASE AGAINST BEGUM KHALEDA ZIA............................................................................104
THE GANGES, HILL TRACTS TREATIES AND TRANSIT TRADE..................................105
DR. MOHIUDDIN ALAMGIR BECOMING MINISTER........................................................107
DECLARATION ABOUT BEING UNDESIRABLE...............................................................108
SHIEKH MUJIB’S PICTURE ON 10 TAKA NOTE................................................................108
NONE KILLED BY SHOTS FIRED BY THE POLICE...........................................................109
RELATIONS WITH LEADERS AND ADVISERS..................................................................112
NATION OF DOGS...................................................................................................................113
ZILLUR RAHNIAN’S APPOINTMENT AS GENERAL SECRETARY................................114
MONEY AND DEAD BODIES.................................................................................................114
SEPARATE LIVES OF HASINA AND DR. WAZED.............................................................116
WHY HINDUS SUPPORT AWAMI LEAGUE........................................................................118
REMITTANCES........................................................................................................................118
WITHDRAWAL OF VAT.........................................................................................................119
GAMES......................................................................................................................................119
LIKINGS AND DISLIKINGS...................................................................................................120
PRIORITY IN ISSUING INSTRUCTIONS..............................................................................120
THERE WAS NO LEADER......................................................................................................121
SPEAKS WITHOUT THINKING.............................................................................................121
KING, PRESIDENT, PRIME MINISTER.................................................................................122
PROMISES................................................................................................................................122
YES MADAM, CORRECT MADAM.......................................................................................123
AUNT AND NIECE DO IT!......................................................................................................124
WHO HAS TO BE HONEST FIRST.........................................................................................124
TALKING IN THE SAME TUNE.............................................................................................126
HAS NOT LEARNT ANY LESSON.........................................................................................126
INTRODUCTION
I feel that if one knows the facts of the past or history, a proper direction for the future will
suggest itself.
Only those events with which I was directly associated or which I am personally aware of have
been narrated in the book. However, I have additional information and knowledge beyond what
is written. Indeed I have.
Ordinary mortals like us have to realize that those who run the country or do politics do not
necessarily understand or know more than we do. We, the ordinary folks have perhaps more
practical intelligence or realistic ideas regarding certain matters. It is absolutely true as far as it
relates to politicians and administrators of Bangladesh.
My efforts at writing this book originated from my intention to disclose to the common people
how mean, heinous, greedy and small minded some people at very high places are.
After a lot of thinking on the desirability of writing such a book for the present and future
generations of citizens of Bangladesh, I decided to tell the people the unadulterated truth and
realities behind the curtain of politics, so that this could be of benefit to them.
Some of the readers may sternly rebuke me and even may like to give me the harshest
punishment. And some readers may on the country become more careful and in future proceed
in their political career with cauti5n and care.
What the readers would do is their business. But we thought that publishing the book is our
responsibility.
In consideration of the grave danger that we may face, most people with whom we discussed
the issue of publication advised that the book should be published when Sheikh Hasina would
no longer remain the Prime Minister of Bangladesh. But we-my wife and I-could not agree with
this point of view as we thought that there would be neither honour nor courage in divulging
somebody’s past secrets (of Sheikh Hasina) at a time when she had fallen from power.
That is why, in spite of the dangers and difficulties that may have to be faced in the future, we,
depending on the Almighty Allah, decided to publish the book during Sheikh Hasina’s rule. Life
is a constant struggle; so why should one accept defeat! Who can cause harm, if the Almighty
protects!
Readers may think that we (husband and wife) decided to write like this as Prime Minister
Sheikh Hasina had officially declared us ‘undesirable’. This line of thinking is quite correct.
Perhaps we would not have begun writing this book if Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina had not
treacherously used the state apparatus and instructed the police, CID, DB, IB, NSI, DGFI and
other Government agencies to enforce the declaration. Whatever we have written in this book
are facts and correct. We sincerely thank Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina for arousing such
thoughts in us. We are grateful to her for the illegal order, for it triggered our efforts at revealing
the truth. It is not only unconstitutional and illegal to officially declare a citizen ‘undesirable’, it is
in gross violation of the oath that the Prime Minister (Sheikh Hasina) had taken.
On June 23, 1996 at 7-30 PM, in the Durbar hall of the Bangabhaban, while taking the oath for
the office of the Prime Minister, Sheikh Hasina said — “I solemnly declare that I will perform the
responsibilities of the Prime Minister as per provisions of the Constitution and the laws of the
land. I will have unflinching faith and loyalty towards Bangladesh. I shall protect and support the
Constitution and provide security. Without fear or favour, love or hatred I will conduct the my
duties.”
Politics is for giving, not for taking from the people. On this issue, we fought with Sheikh Hasina
for long sixteen years, from the day she returned home form exile on May 17, 1981 (during the
presidency of Ziaur Rahman and a few days before his death) till January 15, 1997, when she
threw us out. Our determination to speak out the truth rendered us dangerous to Sheikh Hasina
and her family.
As a person, Sheikh Hasina is dishonest, unethical, hypocrite and without any scruples or
conviction. How can she be honest and dependable in matters of state?
SHEIKH HASINA IN POLITICS
Because of the leadership of unintelligent, compromising and unfit people with Malek Ukil at the
helm of the Awami League and Obaidul Kader in charge of the Students League, dedicated
workers were highly disappointed and angry. In this situation, character and role of Abdur
Razzak came to be questioned. In the meantime, the 3rd Awami League convention was held
and there was a sharp contest for leadership and posts of President and General Secretary
between Razzak and Tofail Groups. In this competition, despite Malek's support to Razzak,
Tofail decided not to give up the race for leadership. Consequently, Awami League faced
disintegration. Already, under the leadership of Mizanur Rahman Chowdhury a small splinter
group of the Awami League had formed a separate Awami League party. The Awami League
conference was held in the midst of battle for leadership. Having perceived an unfavourable
situation and in order to counter the opposition in the Party itself, Razzak brought in Sheikh
Hasina, daughter of Sheikh Mujib, to be installed as the President of the Awami League. Razzak
hoped that Shaikh Hasina, the non-political daughter of Shaikh Mujib, would always remain
dependent upon him. During the lifetime of Shaikh Mujib, his son Shaikh Kamal, nephew Shaikh
Moni, Shaikh Salim and sometimes Shaikh Jamal used to poke in or get involved in politics, but
never did Shaikh Hasina tread her feet on politics. Though recently some claims have been
made that Shaikh Hasina was a Vice-President. of the students body of the Eden Women’s
University. But she herself had never made any such claim. Rather, the fact that Shaikh Hasina
was never a member of the Central Committee of the Students League used to be repeated by
her at many functions of the Students League.
Besides, Shaikh Hasina was a woman, inexperienced in politics and had been non-political. All
these considerations prompted Abdur Razzak and others to make Shaikh Hasina the President
of the Awami League so that she could be made to play a second fiddle to the wishes of Abdur
Razzak and his friends. In the past, dedicated, idealist and self-sacrificing leaders and workers
of the organization lost much confidence in the leadership of Abdur Razzak due to the latter’s
help to Malek Ukil to be President of the Awami League and to Obaidul Kader President of the
Students League. There was a sigh of relief as Shaikh Hasina, the daughter of Shaikh Mujib,
was being made President of the Awami League. As the Army Generals started unlawful and
unwanted interference in politics and started to exercise influence over the public, we, the
warriors of 71 and of 75, began to contemplate an alternative Force to the Army. During political
training of students they were taught that students were a stronger Force than the Army.
Students were told that the Army is armed but uneducated, whereas students are unarmed and
educated. The Army personnel live in the barracks in cantonment and the students live in the
hostels of educational institutions. The Army opposes the people and work against the interests
of the people. Students, on the other hand, support the people and are ready to sacrifice their
lives for them. There would be a war in the future and in that war, uneducated Army would be
defeated by the educated cadres of students.
After (retired) Major General Khalilur Rahman and (retired) Colonel Shawkat Ali joined the
Awami League, Rezaul Baqi, Golam Mostafa Khan Miraj. Abdus Samad Pintu, the late
Hedayetul Islam Kajal , Mobarak Hossain Selim and a few others discussed the situation and
decided to form an organization of freedom fighters. Accordingly, Freedom Fighters Solidarity
Organization composed of freedom fighters of 71 and 75 with Colonel Shawkat Ali as its
Convener was formed. Our sight was fixed on the Cantonment.
Our aim was to occupy Dhaka Cantonment. In order to attain that objective, we had to expand
our organizational activities and political training. We started to motivate the youth and the
students to participate in the coming social revolution and to be prepared to make the supreme
sacrifice, if needed. To bring about a revolution one may have to incur heavy personal loss. But
one must not take into account that loss. Revolution through personal losses brings about good
for the society and promotes a better life for the next generation. At this stage of our activities
we were joined by a few freedom fighter military officers, who had participated in the abortive
coup staged by General Khaled Mosharraf on 3 November 75. Among those who joined us
were Lt. Col. A.H.M. Ghaffar Bir Bikram (dismissed from the Army following the abortive coup of
3 November and later became Minister of Commerce of President Hussain Muhammad
Ershad), Major Nasir (newspaper columnist and husband of the distinguished artist Lutfun
Nahar Lata) and Captain Hafiizullah. Captain Ghaffar always used to take classes in English. In
one class he taught, there is only enjoyment in consumption or acquisition but no satisfaction. In
sacrifice, there are both happiness and satisfaction. On 17 May, ‘81 when Shaikh Hasina, the
non-political daughter of Bangabandhu Shaikh Mujibur Rahman, returned home as the
President of the Awami League the workers and people accorded unparalleled reception at the
airport.
THIS ZIA IS NOT THAT ZIA
Three or four days after her return we had a meeting with Shaikh Hasina. At the outset, Shaikh
Hasina told student leaders and freedom fighters that from today onwards we would have to
start the publicity campaign that this “Zia is not that Zia.” In other words, the present freedom
fighter President Ziaur Rahman is not the same one, who had declared independence. Sheikh
Hasina said, refering to Goebbels, the Information Adviser to Hitler, “if you can successfully
publicize that this Zia is not that Zia who had declared independence, then one day people will
come to believe it.” Someone from amongst us asked, in that case who shall we call this Zia’?
Shaikh Hasina replied, “there is no need to go into so much of talks; you will only say this Zia is
not the same Zia.” At this, we all became surprised, whispered and laughed among ourselves.
But we never propagated the lesson given by Shaikh Hasina, ‘this Zia is not that Zia.”
ASSASSINATION OF PRESIDENT ZIA
On 23 and 24 May 81, an urgent secret meeting of freedom fighters of 71 and 75 and some
former members of the Army was held in the seminar room of the T.S.C. of Dhaka University. In
that meeting, Colonel Shawkat Ali (at present Awamni League M.P. and an accused in the
Agartala Conspiracy case) informed the meeting of the plan to assassinate freedom fighter
President Ziaur Rahman and told what to do during and after the killing. Colonel Shawkat Ali
said that under the leadership of the G.O.C. Chittagong Major General Manzur Bir Uttam Zia
would be killed and that our leader Shaikh Hasina had the knowledge of this plan for
assassination. Our leader had instructed us to help and play a role in this plan.
Awami League President Shaikh Hasina had returned home only a few days ago; how could
she give a directive of this nature? When asked, Colonel Shawkat replied that Shaikh Hasina
had been informed while she had been out of the country in India. When asked as to what we
were to do during and after the killing, Colonel Shawkat said that we would have to stay in
Chittagong and Dhaka; those who would be in Chittagong should take the responsibility of
coming to Dhaka after collecting arms from General Manzur; and those who could be in Dhaka
should establish control over important places like radio and television centers with these
weapons. In reply to a question from one of us, he said that anytime from now the assassination
could take place.
As soon as Ziaur Rahman would visit Chittagong, he would be killed. Colonel Shawkat also said
that until Zia was killed, Chief of Staff of the Army Gcneral H.M.Ershad and other Generals in
Dhaka as well as Colonel Mahfuzur Rahman of the President’s Guard Regiment would remain
with the leader of the uprising, General Manzur. After the assassination, they would be divided.
The Generals of Dhaka and the repatriated officers and troops from Pakistan would remain with
the chief of staff. On the other side, General Manzur would give leadership to the freedom
fighter officers and troops of Chittagong. After the killing of General Zia, there would be a fight
between the troops loyal to General Ershad and those loyal to General Manzur. In this battle,
one side would be totally defeated by the other, though the victor would be very week. At this
moment, we should attack the weak victors and defeat them. This was our task during and after
the assassination.
In this secret and urgent meeting were present about 70 or 75 people, including Colonel
Ghaffar, Major Nasir, Captain Hafiz and a few others, who had a role in the uprising on 3
November 75. In this meeting we were divided into three groups. One group was given the
responsibility of going to Chittagong to collect weapons from General Manzur. The second
group of about 30 or 35 pet-sons was entrusted with the work of travelling all over the country to
inform the plan and to prepare all anti-Zia freedom fighters to take any type of action. The rest
belonging to the third group would stay in Dhaka, and make preparation for action.
After President Ziaur Rahman arrived Chittagong a few Army officers under the leadership of
General Manzur organized the uprising and at the dawn of 30th November killed freedom fighter
Ziaur Rahman in the Chittagong Circuit House with little opposition. Yet, the troops and the
general public rejected this killing. Officers obedient to General Manzur occupied Chittagong
Radio and Television centers and kept these under their control. On this side in Dhaka, Chief of
the Army General Ershad, General Mir Shawkat Bir Uttam, General Rahman and other officers
and troops took position against General Manzur.
To counter General Manzur, GOC of Comilla Mainamati Cantonment Brigadier Mabmudul
Hasan was sent towards Chittagong in Brigade strength. Brigadier Hasan took position on the
Dhaka side of Shuvapur Bridge on Chittagong road. On the other side of the bridge Captain
Dost Mohammad, loyal to General Manzur, took position with his troops in order to oppose
Brigadier Mabmudul Hasan’s advance. In Dhaka there was widespread agitation, processions
and meetings in protest of the killing of President Ziaur Rabman. On hearing about the
assassination of President Zia, Vice Presient Justice Sattar out of fear got himself admitted into
the Combined Military Hospital. A signboard hanging on the door of his cabin read, Patients
critical; no one to visit.” Later, Ziaur Rahman’s Prime Minister Shah Azizur Rahman and
Communications Minister Abdul AIim went to the CMH and informed the Vice President Sattar
that he was now the President. This was the message from General Ershad. In reply, Justice
Sattar asked them to bring the Army Chief Ershad to him.
Under the patronage of the Army Chief General Ershad, Vice President Sattar became the
Acting President. Though outwardly the Army was split into two groups and took opposing
positions at the Shuvapur Bridge and there was the possibility of bloodshed among brothers,
General Manzur lost real control of Chittagong Cantonment. The troops in general did not
support the killing of President Ziaur Rahman and refused to show obedience to General
Manzur. Troops under Captain Dost Mohammad also refused to fight against Brigadier
Mahmudul Hasan and his troops who had taken position on the other side of the bridge. Non-
commissioned officers and soldiers told Captain Dost Mohammad clearly that ‘General Manzur
had killed President Ziaur Rahman; now General Manzur would become the President. We the
Subedars, Havildars, Sepoys would remain in the same positions. We will not sacrifice our lives.
You officers do the lighting yourselves; we will not fight.’
Captain Dost Mohammad having found an unfavourable situation decided to surrender to
Brigadier Mabmudul Hasan. Meanwhile, when General Manzur came out of the Cantonment to
deliver an address over Chittagong Radio and Television and also to meet journalists, eminent
persons and freedom fighters, the Cantonment went completely out of his control. The Army,
specially noncommissioned officers and soldiers were so loyal to President Ziaur Rahman that
at the very first opportunity they revolted against General Manzur. As a result, General Manzur
and his officers could not go back to the Cantonment, nor even escape successfully. While
escaping from the troops apparently loyal to Acting President Abdus Sattar but in fact loyal to
the late President Ziaur Rahman some of the supporters of Manzur got killed. But Major Khaled
and Major Mozaffar instead of going towards Indian frontiers were able to go to Dhaka and
remained under the protection of Colonel (retired) Shawkat Ali. On the other hand, though
General Manzur and some of his supporters were arrested by the officers loyal to General Zia,
General Ershad who had been playing his game from a safe distance, got General Manzur
killed in order to avoid exposure of his complicity in Zia’s killing.
We did not get arms following the arrest and death of General Manzur. Our companions came
back to Dhaka and helped Major Khaled and Major Muzaffar cross into India through
Murshidabad borders. When twelve accomplices of General Manzur were arrested and tried
under court martial, Freedom Fighters Solidarity Parishad under the leadership of Colonel
Shawkat, Freeedom Fighters Struggle Parishad under Major Ziauddin and Freedom Fighters
Shangshad under Deputy Sector Commander of the liberation war Lt. Colonel Kazi Nuruzzaman
called out for movement against that trial and demanded release of those arrested freedom
fighter officers. Those three Freedom Fighters related organizations continued their program of
staging demonstrations, processions and meetings etc. and made sustained efforts for all other
freedom fighter organizations to support and participate in that movement. But except for Abdur
Razzak no other political leader was at hand. Despite all these protest and movement, the death
sentence of the twelve officers implicated in Zia’s murder was carried out. At the same time, the
acting President Abdus Sattar announced holding of Presidential election and himself became a
candidate.
From the Awami League side, though Dr. Kamal Hossain had been nominated as the candidate
against Justice Sattar, Sheikh Hasina demanded postponement of election. But the Army
supported the government of Justice Sattar, which rejected the demand for postponement. At
the Presidential election in 1981 the largest number of candidates in the history of Bangladesh
contested. Government’s secret service, the National Security Intelligence, persuaded many
candidates to withdraw their candidature by way of heavy bribing. On the other side, Awami
League chief Shaikh Hasina issued secret instructions to kill any one of the Presidential
candidates in order to ensure postponement of the election. It may be mentioned that if a
candidate is killed, according to election rules, election will be postponed for three months.
Because of non-realization of the secret instructions of Shaikh Hasina to kill a candidate and the
refusal of Sattar government to postpone election, election was held as scheduled. Justice
Sattar defeated Dr. Kamal Hossain by a wide margin of votes and was elected President.
However, the main power rested with the Army Chief Hussain Muhmmad Ershad. General
Ershad used to manipulate Justice Sattar in any manner he wanted. Thus in reality, ihe elected
President Justice Sattar became a toy in the hands of Army Chief General Ershad.
TRAINING IN LEBANON
Some of those who started a war under the leadership of Kader (Bagha) Siddiqui in protest
against the killing of Bangabandhu Shaikh Mujibur Rahman on August 15, 1975 met Shaikh
Hasina, daughter of Bangabandhu, at her house at Road 32 in Dhanmandi sometime in the first
week of January 1982. They proposed a plan to capture Dhaka Cantonment, which was
accepted with great pleasure by Shaikh Hasina The plan was: “A group of 25 to 30 thousand
committed persons are to be given political education and military training. They would capture
Dhaka Cantonment by lauching a commando type attack.” The capture of Dhaka Cantonment
meant the capture of state power in Bangladesh. Shaikh Hlasina instructed that this plan should
be implemented by all possible means.
Work started about preparation of political workers for the purpose of capturing the cantonment
and giving them military training. The workers were to be recruited secretly. One paid special
attention to the mind-set, thoughts and personal qualities of these workers. In a short period of
time a large group of workers were recruited and trained. Out of these workers a batch was
specially selected for military training.
After imparting political education to these recruits, a batch was selected for military training. But
problem arose as to where a place for military training would be found and wherefrom arms
would be available Military training was not so easy as political training. For military training, at
first a safe open area is needed, where the trainees will learn the use of arms through safe arms
exercises. During7 l’s great liberation war we used Indian territory for such training. But it is not
possible now. Only a few years back India had driven away Kader Siddiqui’s forces from their
soil. For military training there was no chance of using Indian soil. Sundarban or Hill-Tracts were
also not safe for military training. In the world outside we had no friend. Afganistan was in the
control of the staunch fundamentalists. There we have no place. There was no response from
the Soviet Union (Russia). In the circumstances Lebanon and the P.L.O. (Palestine Liberation
Organization) came up for consideration. Secret communication was established with P.L.O.
Representative in Dhaka, Mr. Ahmed A. Razek. A few meetings were held secretly with Mr. A.A.
Razek at the P.L.O. Embassy in Gulshan. Mr. Razek was told candidly that we wanted military
training and in return we would give whatever he wanted. Ahmed A Razek asked for one
month’s time.
After a month, again a meeting was held with Ahmed Razek. It was decided that P.L.O. would
be giving us military training in the soil of Lebanon. In return, we shall have to fight against the
lsraelis on behalf of the P.L.O. We agreed. When our first batch would arrive Lebanon they
would be given military training and sent to the battlefield straight way to fight the Israeli on
behalf of the P.L.O. The first batch would go to Lebanon. After the training of the second batch
they would go to war and the first batch would be sent back to Bangladesh. It means, one batch
of ours will always fight on behalf of the P.L.O.
P.L.O. would bear expenses of our travel to Lebanon and return to Dhaka. P.L.O. would pay
salaries to those of us who would fight for P.L.O.
From time to time all aspects of the plan were intimated to Bangabandhu’s daughter Sheikh
Hasina and her advice was taken. In pursuance of the decision of the meeting with P.L.O. first
batch was sent to Lebanon in the last week of May, 1982.
After receiving training the first batch started fighting for the P.L.O. in the Israeli border. The
second batch was prepared to go to Lebanon. At that time Israel made an attack and occupied
Lebanon. All of our fighters became captives in the hands of Israelis. Our plan failed. Parents
and relatives of all of our fighters started crying for them. Mujib’s daughter Sheikh Hasina
conveniently forgot everything. She remained passive and silent. She never uttered any word
about our sons. After this with much difficulty, through Pakistan Red Cross our fighters who
were captives in the hands of the Israelis were brought back to the country.
INVITING ERSHAD TO SEIZE POWER
Awami League President Bangabandhu’s daughter Sheikh Hasina began to give repeated calls
to the Army Chief General H. M. Ershad to seize state power. People’s Leader Sheikh Hasina
gave assurances of all sorts of co-operation and help on behalf of the people to General
Ershad. In order to topple the elected President and the Government and to capture state power
by the army secret meetings were held between General Ershad and Bangabandhu’s daughter
Sheikh Hasina on several occasions.
After that, setting an unprecedented example in the history of military coup, General Ershad
gave an announcement of coup d’etat by calling Newspapers Editors in a meeting at Dhaka
Cantonment, much before actually capturing the power.
On 24h March, 1982 without any resistance and without any word, General Ershad pushed out
Justice Abdus Sattar, the President elected by the people, from Bangabbaban, and on the
following day he was pulled by the collar and taken to Radio and Television to make a speech to
the effect that due to his inability and his Government’s corruption, nepotism, etc. he had
voluntarily handed over power to Army chief General Ershad and abdicated on his own accord.
The old, octogenarian and infirm President Justice Abdus Sattar made his exit silently without a
word for fear of life. Army Chief Lt. Gen. H. M. Ershad proclaimed Martial law in the country and
he himself became Chief Martial Law Administrator .He made Justice A. F. M. Ahsanuddin
Chowdhury the President in name only without any authority. On secret invitation of Sheikh
Hasina and with her cooperation General Ershad seized all powers and imposed himself on the
people like an unmovable heavy stone.
MID FEBRUARY STUDENT KILLING (1983).
Before the turn of the year, dissension cropped up silently in the secret alliance between the
Chief Martial Law Administrator General Ershad and Sheikh Hasina. In the last week of
January, 1983 at the official residence of Sheikh Hasina’s husband Dr. Wazed Mia at Mohakhali
which belonged to the Atomic Energy commission, Sheikh Hasina said - ‘Lt. Gen. Ershad the
khatas (wolf), is gradually slipping away from my grip. He needs to be kept under tight control.”
With a view to keeping Ershad in her grip, Sheikh Hasina presented in the name of student
movement a bogus plan and said - "In this student movement certain number of students will
have be killed.”
‘With such killings, student’s movement will gain momentum. An intensified student’s movement
will help keep, Gen. Ershad in my grip.” Sheikh Hasina thus hatched a ruthless plan for the
murder of students in the of name students’ movement. Killing of students by any unknown
killer will not do. Students will have to be killed by the military or police.”
Sheikh Hasina said, This will have to be done at the cost of whatever money is needed”
Everybody was busy thinking as to how this plan could be executed
Contact was established with Hafizur Rahman Laskar, Company Commander (senior S.P.) of
the Armed Police. This Hafizur Rahman Laskar, being a police officer, was occupying
surreptitiously the post of Deputy Director of NSA. (National Security Intelligence) for a long
time. After capturing power Ershad drove away unceremoniously Hafizur Rahman Laskar from
N.S.I. by saying, “What are you doing here, being a police man? Go and wearing police uniform
catch thieves.” Hafizur Rabman Laskar was transferred to the then Headquarters of Armed
Police at 14, Mirpur and posted as the Company Commander. For this reason Hafizur Ranman
Laskar was angry with General Ershad and his military rule On top of this was his greed for
money. Anger, hostility to Ershad and greed for money, all combined to make Hafizur Rahman
Laskar accept the proposal for killing students in the name of students’ movement. N.S.I.’s main
duty is to prepare list of people who work against the Government and to supply such list to the
Government. And when a Government falls, all files and papers prepared during the period of
the previous regime are to be burnt. The process was to be repeated.
When President Ziaur Rahman was killed on 30th May, 1981, N.S.I. officers wanted to burn all
files prepared during the time of Zia or BNP Government. But when the files were about to set
on fire Vice-President Justice Abdus Sattar became the Acting President, which meant that the
BNP Government remained in power. As a result, NSI officer kept the files carefully in the
shelves instead of burning them. Although Vice-President Sattar became the Acting President,
real state power was in the hands of the Army Chief H.M. Ershad. On that strength General
Ershad glanced through the N.S.l.’s files. Name of General Ershad was also there. So as soon
as General Ershad came to power he drove away people like Hafizur Rahman from N.S.l. For
this reason as well as for his love of money, Hafizur Rahman Laskar and others supported the
plan.
In the name of students’ movement a blue print for killing of students was finalized with Hafizur
Rahtnan Laskar. According to the plan, a procession of students would have to be brought to
Doel Yard, south of Bangla Academy, north of Curzon Hall and west of Shishu (children)
Academy. The armed police will do the remaining work. Our responsibility was to bring a
students procession up to the Duel yard, and then the responsibility was on the Armed police
Company Commander Hafizur Rabman Laskar to kill students by firing on the procession. The
primary responsibility of bringing out the procession devolved upon the Jagannath Hall
Students’ Union General Secretary and members of Kaderia Force Nirunjan Sarker, Bachchu,
Sadhan Sarker, ladab, Bidyut. Shyamol and others. The proposal to bring out a procession
against General Ershad was discussed with the student leaders, Fazlur Rahman, Bahalul
Majnun Chunnu, Dr. Mostafa lalal, K. M. Jahangir, DUCSU VP Akhtaruzzaman, G. S. Ziauddin
Bablu, Faruk, Anwar, Milon. Jalal and others. Everyone was in favour of the procession.
In the beginning of the 2nd week of February date for the procession was fixed and it was
decided to take the procession up to Education Bhaban. Pursuant to the discussion, a
procession started from the Arts building. On the other side Hafizur Rahman Laskar was waiting
eagerly like a thirsty bird with his Armed Police Force near Shishu Academy fully prepared to kill
the students by firing on the procession.
The procession however, could not be taken far from the vicinity of the Arts building. Most of the
student leaders, though not refusing verbally to go forward with the procession, did not actually
go outside the Arts building. As a result the blueprint failed. We got agitated and harassed the
student leaders, and some of the student leaders were physically hurt. Again a new date was
fixed for the procession.
It was decided that on the 14h February, 1983, (1st Falgoon of Bengali era) there would be a
procession of students which would proceed towards the Education Bhaban.
On the 12 of February, 83 at 8 a.m. Armed Police Company Commander was informed of the
decision of the final program of student’s procession of 14 February. On 13 February at 8 P.m.
at the house of Hafizur Rahman Laskar at section 2, Mirpur, the program to bring the procession
up to Shishu Academy at any cost was firmed up and he (Hafizur Rahman) himself was fully
prepared to kill students in return of cash money paid to him.
At II O’clock at night in the Assembly building of Jaganuath Hall of Dhaka University the last
secret meeting was held in the room of Niranjan Sarkar Bachchu, G.S. of Students Union and a
member of Kaderia Force. In the meeting the present student leaders Niranjan Sarker Bachchu,
Mobark Hossain Selim, DUCSU’s Lady Secretary Nahid Amin Khan, Sadhan Sarker, Jadab,
Biduyut and others were informed of the details of the students procession of 14th February
including plan for killing. It was decided that student leaders Fazlur Rahman, Bahalul Maznun
Chunnu, progressive student leaders and top-ranking workers would not remain in the
procession beyond the Atomic Energy Commission office under any circumstances and
arrangements would have to be made accordingly.
It was the 1st of Falgoon, February 14, 1983. Spring season would start by the Calendar
whether flowers blossomed or not. Everybody was delighted at the breeze of the spring, the
king of the seasons. Bengali women wearing yellow Sarees with red borders had come out of
their houses early in the morning to welcome the spring season. Girl students of Rokeya Hall
and Shamsun Nahar Hall of Dhaka University wearing yellow sarees had been engaged in the
festival since morning. The University was humming with spring festival. Some girl students
wearing festive dresses were going to far off places with their boy friends. All were in joyous
mood. Nobody knew what was going to happen a little later. Who was going to be killed? Which
loving mother was going to lose her son? At about It) O’clock in the day students started
gathering for the procession at the foot of Aparajeya Bangla in front of the Arts building. One
motorcycle rider was maintaining contacts all the time with sheikh Hasina at 32 of Dhanmondi,
Arts building and Hafizur Rahman Laskar of the Armed Police. The motorcycle rider (the author)
was communicating with great speed the latest situation in the University to Sheikh Hasina at
No 32 of Dhanmondi. Hafizur Rahman took his position at the eastern side of Shishu Academy.
At about II a.m. the procession began.
Those student leaders and workers who were not to remain in the procession beyond the
Atomic Energy Commission were informed of the developments.
Everything including the procession was going on in accordance with the plan. When the
students procession reached Atomic Energy Commission, a few student leaders and workers
slipped away from the procession from behind. The procession passed Bangla Academy and
proceeded farther to Doel yard towards the south. As soon as the procession took a turn
towards the east keeping the Doel yard behind, the Armed police under Hafizur Rahman
opened fire-’Gurum”, “Gurum’ “Tash”, ‘Tash”. Within seconds several students fell down on the
ground.
The motorcycle rider went to No.32 of Dhanmondi immediately to give the news of firing to
Sheikh Hasina and then proceeded to Dhaka Medical College Hospital. Meanwhile the students
had brought the bullet-injured students to the Emergency ward of the hospital. Of the bullet-hit
students, Joynal and Zafar breathed their last. Oh, how did their mother and their father take the
death of their loved ones?
The motorcycle rider again went to No.32 of Dhanmondi with the final news of the
implementation of the blueprint. After giving the news of successful killing of two students to
Sheikh Hasina the motorcycle rider returned to the University.
Shadows of mourning tell on the University. The festivities of the I” of Falgoon had vanished.
The students brought the dead bodies of their friends Zafar and Joynal to the historic Battala at
the foot of Aparajeya Bangla. The news of Zanaja prayer and mourning meeting to be held at 3
O’clock in the afternoon was given to No.32 of Dhanmondi and Bangbandhu’s daughter Sheikh
Hasina came to the Battala of the University at about 2 PM. She saw the bodies of the dead
students and made pretension of wiping her eyes with handkerchief. She left the University
without announcing any program to protest the killing. Students stricken with grief assembled at
Battala and the girl student who, a little earlier were celebrating spring festival joined the
condolence meeting at Battala.
Soon after leaving the University area Sheikh Hasina contacted Martial law Administrator
General H.M. Ershad and secured fulfillment of certain secret demands from him in exchange of
not giving any program protesting the killing of the students. After getting assurances from
Sheikh Hasina, General Ershad carried on an unprecedented attack with his military and police
in the University area from all sides. The multi pronged attack by the police on the students
holding condolence meeting at Battala, forced the assembled students to run away for their
lives. But whichever direction they were running to they were being intercepted ano beaten
mercilessly by the police and army. In a moment there was no sign of any human being at
Battala, except thousands of sandals and shoes lying scattered all over.
It was with great difficulty the students carried the dead bodies of Zafar and Zainul to Surya Sen
Hall and locked the Hall gate from inside. Inside, there were students, teachers and employees.
The whole, University area including the courtyard of the Hall was full of Police and Army
personnel. Within seconds the army and the police would break open the gate and enter the
Hall. Seeing no other alternative the motor-cycle rider (author) jumped out from the first floor of
the Hall to its court-yard. Immediately the police force pounced on him and started beating him
the way vultures grab the caracas of a cow and start eating it. The motorcycle rider, somehow
disengaged himself from them and started running towards the boundary walls of the Hall. The
author was being chased by the army and police personnel. With great risk he jumped over the
wall and got to Kataban and Plassey Road. He went to Rd 32 Dhanmondi but did not get Hasina
there. Then he went to the house of Dr. Wazed Miah, Hasina’s hausband, at Mohakhali whcrc
Hasina's Pajero jeep was parked. Hasina was not found. The favourite and trusted cook of
Hasina, Ramakanta said that she had put on Burqa (veil) and left loran unknown destination in a
private car driven by an unknown person.
The police and the Army broke open the doors and gates of all the Halls and indiscriminately
beat up the students, teachers and employees, made them sit throughout the night in the open
sky and arrested some of them. They took away the lifeless bodies of Zainul and Zafar. It may
be mentioned here that in those days there was no organizational presence of Begum Khaleda
Zia- led B.N.P. That’s why Begurn Khaleda Zia did not come to the University after the killing of
the students. This was the first movement, the first uprising and the first sacrifice of the
traditionally struggling simple-minded student community of the country. 1’he movement totally
collapsed due to the failure of the political leadership and the machinations of Sheikh Hasina.
The sacrifice of Zafar and Zainul went in vain. The military dictator Ershad held on to power
without any worry. The student community became directionless and depressed in the absence
of political leadership. Ershad’s military administration managed the main opposition force
Awami League and its leader Sheikh Hasina, as he wished and continued its ruthless rule.
The killing of Selim and Delwar
The year 1984 began, and came the month of February, the month of the Shahids (martyrs) of the Language movement. The instruction of Sheikh Hasina, the daughter of Bangabandhu, for the New Year was to start students’ movement against Ershad once again.
On February 3, 1984, a closed door meeting was held at 4 p.m. at the Bangabandhu Bhaban at Road 32, Dhanmondi. In the meeting the leader gave strict instruction to start student’s movement by all means. A new conspiratorial plan was formulated. On the one hand, the job of hiring killer police officers like Hafizur Rahinan Laskar was organized and on the other, efforts to motivate the students and to mobilize students’ movement were initiated. The job of hiring killer police officers was completed in no time under the personal direction and supervision of Sheikh Hasina. But the job of mobilizing the students was not over. The students could not be mobilized even with great efforts.
The whole student community was against Ershad. But they did not trust Awami league and its leader Sheikh Hasina in matters of organizing a movement. The Begum Zia-led B.NP. did not virtually exist that lime. Days rolled by, but there was no indication of any Students’ movement. It was repeatedly suggested that a procession of students be brought out, the way it was done in mid - February 1983. Sheikh Hasina was directly encouraging this. But it had no effect. At one
stage Sheikh Hasina lamented - "Nothing can be accomplished by you.”
We could not come out of the University with a procession of even 500 students. So the 1983 episode could not be repeated and the method of killing students had to be changed.
In the new scheme for killing students, senior S. P. Hafizur Rabman Lasker involved Riot police in place of the armed contingent. According to the plan it was decided that it if a procession of even twenty - twenty five students, at some point of time could somehow be brought out of the University, the riot police, who stayed around the University round the clock, would implement the plan for killing the students. However, even the leaders and workers of the Students’ League
did not want to join any procession, let alone the ordinary students.
The Leader then gave strict orders that a students procession, however small, would have to be organized. Otherwise the leaders of the Students League would he relieved of their responsibilities.
It was then decided that a procession would be brought out on February 28, and as usual, Sheikh Hasina, the leader of Awami League, was informed of this. She immediately transmitted the news to the Riot police squad through Hafizur Rahman Lasker.
On the appointed day, a procession of about thirty-four students suddenly came out of the University and started moving fast towards Fulbaria bus stand via Chan Kharpool. As had been planned earlier, a lorry of the Riot police followed the procession.
The plan this time was that the students would be killed from behind, and not from the front. Those who were aware of the plan tried their very best to be in the front part of the procession. It was generally known that the attack would come mm behind. But it was not certain whether there would be firing from the lorry or there would he a different manner of attacking the students. It was 5 p.m. in the afternoon. As soon as the small procession entered Fulbaria bus-
stand, the riot police lorry gathered lightning speed and ran over the processionists. In a moment’s time, Selim, who was at the rear of the procession was crushed under the wheels of the Police lorry. Though others got scattered on either side, Delwar started running straight and the police lorry followed him in great speed. Within one or two minutes, the police lorry ran over him. The body was so smashed that it became unrecognisable.
The author conveyed the news of the killing of Selim and Delwar under the wheels of the riot police van to Sheikh Hasina, who had been waiting to hear it eagerly at Bangabandhu Bhaban. When Sheikh Hasina heard the news of the killing of two Student League leaders, she cried out ‘bravo’ in great delight.
Then she instructed driver Jalal to keep the car ready for her. She would go out. When the author wanted to accompany her, she asked him and others to leave away and return to Road 32 next day in the morning’.
The next morning the motor cycle rider (author) went to Road 32, but could not find Sheikh Hasina there. He then went to Mahakhali. When he saw the Pajero Jeep and driver Jalal there, he thought that the leader would also be there. However, he did not find Hasina and got the information from the cook Ramakanta that the leader had left for an unknown destination early in the morning, in a car driven by an unknown person.
The leader returned around 1 p.m. had her lunch, and came straight to the Bangabandhu Bhaban. Quite a few Student League leaders came at about 3 p.m. and met Hasina there. When they wanted to have a plan of action against Ershad to protest against the brutal killing of Selim and Delwar, Sheikh Hasina consoled the student leaders and said, “our main enemy is
Ziaur Rahman, and BNP is his party. Zia has already been eliminated. General Ershed has seized power from BNP only some time ago. Our main goal now is to completely finish BNP for good. At this moment, we should not go directly against General Ershad. We have to keep in view that our main enemy is BNP.” When the student leaders were overwhelmed with emotion
at the killing of Delwar and Selim, Sheikh Hasina said “there is no point in being emotional, their
families would be duty compensated. “The heartbroken student leaders left the Bangabandhu
Bhaban without obtaining any plan of action.
UNCIVILIZED UNPATRIOTIC FORCE
On May 3, 1984, in the late afternoon, Sheikh Hasina was chatting with a few people at Bangabandhu Bhaban. In the course of discussions the topic of liberation war and Pakistan Army came up. Also came up for discussion the subject of Bangladesh Army, which emerged through the war of liberation.
The leader Sheikh Hasina commented about Bangladesh Army, “is it an Army? It is a barbaric Force composed of ill-disciplined, greedy, unruly and blood-thirsty men. This Army has no sense of loyalty, no discipline, no patriotism. They are disobedient and beneft of any humane attitude. Talk about the Pakistan Army. You will not find such a gentle, civil, polite, courteous and loyal Army in the whole world. They really are so decent and modest.”
"They came in the night of March 25 and saluted my father, (Sheikh Mujib) my mother and even me. Then they said to my father; “sir, we have come only to provide security to you. You can go wherever you want, wherever you please. Anyone can come and meet you. We will only ensure your security. If you go out we will accompany you to provide security. We will search an incoming guest properly before we let him in. Really, whatever the Pakistani Army did was meant for our security. On the twenty-sixth of March when Abba (Sheikh Mujib) was taken away by the Pakistan Army, General Tikka Khan himself came, saluted my father and my mother. He kept standing and courteously told my father (Sheikh Mujib) — Sir, Yahya Khan has
asked us to take you for consultations. I have come here to take you. A special flight is ready for you. Please get ready, and if you so wish you can take anyone, including the Madam (Begum Mujib). Abba consulted my mother and went away alone. As long as the Pakistan Army performed their duty, they came and saluted us first.
“Not only that. When my paternal grandmother had some fever, the Pakistanis got her
transported by a helicopter from Tungipara to Dhaka for treatment at the PG. Hospital. When I
was expecting Joy (Hasina’s son), I was taken every week to the Combined Military Hospital
(CMH) for medical checkup. I was admitted to the CMH a month before Joy was born. When he
was born in 1971, the Pakistan Army personnel distributed sweets. All the cost associated with
the birth of Joy was borne by the Pakistan Army. We went wherever we wanted to go. The
Pakistanis accompanied us in two jeeps. They guarded us to provide security.
And the Bangladesh Army! These animals, these inhuman brutes killed my father, my mother
and all my brothers. I wish their destruction.”
REMOVE THE MOSQUE
From the beginning of 1985, Sheikh Hasina, again tried to provoke the students to start a
movement. When no sign of it was visible in spite of pressure, threats and persuasion, Sheikh
Hasina angrily went away to her birth place at Tungipara. There she stayed for quite a few days.
In the course of her stay, one day a few elderly gentlemen from Tungipara village including
Sheikh-Bari (ancestral home of Sheikh Hasina where other share-holders also lived) came and
met Sheikh Hasina. They told her that a coconut tree had been causing damage to a Mosque
that was constructed by other share-holders of Sheikh-Bari. They proposed felling of the tree.
Sheikh Hasina’s prompt response was, “No, my tree cannot be cut down. If needed, remove the
Mosque. The elderly people then entreated Sheikh Hasina to permit felling of the tree which had
grown up close to the wall and the roof of the Mosque, with the plea that the removal of a
Mosque was forbidden in the Holy Quran. Sheikh Hasina responded by saying - Close down
this Mosque. I will have a bigger Mosque constructed.”
The respectable elderly people said that the tree would hit the wall and the root of the Mosque
even if mild wind blew. If this continued then the roof and the wall of the Mosque would be
damaged. Sheikh Hasina said - “Let it be damaged. It does not bother me at all. I will not permit
felling of the coconut tree even if you keep weeping for years.”
THE ELECTIONS OF 1986
After the killing of the Student League leaders Selim and Delawar on February 28, 1984, Sheikh
Hasina tried her very best of instigate the students.
At that time a secret meeting was held between the leader Sheikh Hasina and Brigadier
Mahmudul Hasan, the then Director General of the Defense Forces Intelligence (DGFI) at the
Gulshan residence of a business man, one S.I. Chowdhury. Brigadier Mahmudul Hasan, on
behalf of General Ershad, personally requested Sheikh Hasina to participate in the elections
and promised to bear all the cost involved in the participation. Sheikh Hasina, as a part of the
movement (against Ershad), responded favorably to the proposal. Under the circumstances, the
difference of views between Begum Khaleda Zia and Sheikh Hasina, due to the efforts of the left
leaning leaders, particularly of the General Secretary of the Communist Party late Comrade
Farhad, was reduced to this strategy that no one, other than the two leaders, (Begum Khaleda
Zia and Sheikh Hasina) would stand in the Parliamentary elections. The leftist leaders proposed
that both Begum Zia and Sheikh Hasina would contest in 150 Parliamentary seats each, and all
others should ensure the victory of the leaders in all the 300 seats. Thus, the military autocrat
General Ershad could be removed from power through elections in a democratic manner. And
this would not create any disunity or division among the political parties.
Keeping the removal of Ershad in view. Beguin Khaleda Zia agreed to the proposal. Begum Zia
and Sheikh Hasina held a short face - to - face meeting. But, Ershad came to know about the
secret election strategy of the two leaders through the businessman S. I. Chowdhury. Ershad
then issued a Presidential Ordinance forbidding participation of a candidate in more than five
parliamentary seats.
As a result, the strategy of the two leaders to contest elections on the basis of 150 seats each
formula” was frustrated. Begum Zia went back to her original position of mobilizing people for
the movement against Ershad without falling into his election trap. There was however a
meeting between Sheikh Hasina and DGFI Brigadier Mabmudul Hasan at the residence of S. I.
Chowdhury. At that meeting, it was demanded that three times the sum, which had originally
been agreed as the election cost, should now be paid for participating in the elections. Brigadier
Mahmudul Hasan, DGFI asked for an hour’s time and left. The daughter of Bangabandhu
Sheikh Hasina returned to Bangabandhu Bhavan. After about two hours, the businessman S.I.
Chowdhury came to Road 32 with two microbuses. He talked to Sheikh Hasina for about a
minute or so, and then nine sealed new sacks were brought out from the microbuses and
carried to the master bathroom located in the lower floor of Bangabandhu Bhavan, between the
library and the bedroom.
After that Sheikh Hasina instructed that a Press conference be organized and Awame League
central leaders, including Dr. Kamal Hossain be urgently asked to come to Bangabandhu
Bhavan.
Dr. Kamal Hossain and other leaders who could be contacted over telephone were summoned
to Bangahandhu Bhaban. Different newspaper offices were contacted and journalists were
asked to attend an urgent press conference, the purpose of which was not disclosed to them.
Neither the journalists nor the leaders, including Dr. Kamal Hossain had any knowledge about
the objective of the press conference. Only four people knew about it: (I) Sheikh Hasina, (2) S. I.
Chowdhury, the businessman, (3j Brig. Mabmudul Hasan, the D.G.F.I. and (4) Chief Martial Law
Administrator and the president, General Hussain Mohammad Ershad.
Although it was late at night, many newspapermen arrived at 32, Dhanmondi. Sheikh Hasina
told the leaders her decision to participate in the election to be organized by Ershad. The
leaders were of the view that while the election was desirable, the matter needed future
consultation and a decision could then be taken.
Sheikh Hasina said: “we have no time. The decision should be made quickly. We have to go to
the election bypassing Khaieda Zia and her party. There is no need to have a long discussion
on this. The newspapermen are waiting outside. We have to announce our decision right now.”
Without further discussion she walked into the room where the journalists were waiting and
made the announcement about her participation in the election.
The following day a large steel almirah (6'X3' was brought in. Several bags containing currency
notes of Tk. 500 denomination which, had been received earlier were brought out from the
bathroom. The bags were opened and wads of notes were stacked up in the steel cabinet.
Notes that could not be kept there for want of space were removed to some other place.
Thus, began the 1986 election campaign. The nation became divided into two factions. One, led
by Sheikh Hasina associated itself with the election to be manipulated by Ershad. The other
group, at the call of Khaleda Zia directed its activities to frustrating the fake election and working
for the fall of Ershad.
Sheikh Hasina declared to the party workers that Awami League would return to power through
this election and that they should organize the campaign with all their might. Though such
statements had little impact on the general masses, the Awami League workers began their
activities seriously and created a kind of election atmosphere throughout the country.
About the same time there were parallel developments in the Philippines. Mrs. Corazon Aqino,
was leading the popular movement against the dictator Marcus. The developments in the
Philippines had drawn attention of the entire world. In Bangladesh, everybody was observing
the situation in the Philippines with great interest.
At the final election meeting of Sheikh Hasina, speeches were being made. Suddenly the
speeches stopped. It was announced that Marcos had fled the country. The people burst into
cheers as if Ershad himself had fled the country and Sheikh Hasina had come to power. The
developments in the Philippines gave a sense of direction to the political activists in
Bangladesh.
After two days the election was held. Ershad, like Marcos was declared elected. Sheikh Hasina
also declared herself elected. Both summoned the parliament. Ershad’s Parliament held its
session in the assembly house. Sheikh Hasina’s parliamentary sessions began to be held on
the stairs of the Parliament Building. It went on like this for several days.
One day in the evening, S. I. Chowdhury, the businessman, arrived 32, Dhanmondi, with three
microbuses. Sheikh Hasina ran to the Microbus to meet him. Chowdhury off-loaded thirteen
stuffed jute sacks, which were taken to a pre-selected place (bathroom?). The leader requested
S. I. Chowdhury to have tea with her. But Chowdhury said that he was busy and left in a hurry.
It was estimated that the money she had received before announcing participation in the
election was Tk. Ten Crores brought in nine jute bags. Now, after the announcement, a fresh
amount of Tk. Fifteen Crores was brought in thirteen bags. The people expected that Sheikh
Hasina, like Mrs. Corazon Aquino of the Philippines, would remain uncompromising and call for
a popular movement for the fall of the dictator Ershad. In the face of the people’s determination
the army and the tanks would be of no avail. Ershad would flee the country. But no, this was not
to be. She gave a damn to people’s wishes. Quietly, she joined the Parliament of Ershad and
became the Honourable Leader of the ‘opposition’. The country could not rid itself of the
autocrat. On the contrary. Ershad became more powerful through the manipulated election of
‘86 and strengthened his stranglehold on the people.
SUCH A LARGE FIELD
On a certain day Sheikh Hasina arrived at her ancestral village, Tungibari, in a Nissan Patrol. In
the following morning the teachers of the local primary school invited her to visit the school. She
accepted the invitation. A dirt road led to the school. After walking for about a mile, the school
could be seen from a distance. It consisted of three large iron sheet structures, with a large field
in the middle. Two of the structures were in a state of dilapidation. One, probably built in more
recent years, was in better condition. It was clear that there was none to look after the
maintenance of the school. A large number of boys of different age groups, their number varying
between five and seven hundred, had assembled in rows and were shouting: ‘victory to Sheikh
Hasina, victory to Bangabandhu’. Virtually none of them had shirts to cover their bodies. Some
even did not have pants and stood naked. The sight of her ancestral village was depressing —
the dilapidated school, seven hundred boys and children with little clothes on. How will they
sustain themselves when they grow older? These were disturbing thoughts that crossed my
mind. I was waiting to hear what Sheikh Hasina had to say.
There was an old table, a chair, and a microphone in one corner of the field. Slowly she moved
towards the table and straightway began to speak over the microphone. She did not talk about
the school and its state of disrepair, about the naked children and about their future. She
expressed her amazement at the large size of the field. “School children in the urban areas
cannot think of such a large field.” she said. She urged the audience to plant trees in the field. A
member of her entourage offered the suggestion of planting guava trees. Sheikh Hasina
promptly took the suggestion: ‘Yes, plant guava trees. The children can eat the fruits’.
On one side of the political scenario was Ershad, the military dictator and Sheikh Hasina, the
leader of the opposition in the rubber stamp parliament. On the other side. Khaleda Zia, a
housewife, assuming an uncompromising stand, was organizing, single handed, a movement
(for the fall of the autocratic regime) and for this purpose, she was building her party, BNP, on a
strong footing.
THE PLAY ACTING OF POLITICAL MOVEMENT
The rider of the motor cycle (i.e. the author) thought, that a single handed effort by Khaleda Zia
and her party would not produce the desired result. He inquired of the leader of her sincerity
about the movement. She answered: “whatever program Khaleda announces, I will give a
similar program. This will create an impression that we are in the anti-Ershad movement. The
Awami League workers should do the play-acting, but never seriously get involved in the
movement. In other words, the movement should be stabbed at the back. Khaleda Zia must go
back home with failures so that she does not think of politics ever again.” However, the Awami
League workers at the field level were so keen on the fall of Ershad that her design had little
effect. The workers began to play a positive role in the movement. When the workers were told
that they were acting contrary to the wishes of Sheikh Hasina, they wanted to hear her
instructions directly from her. It was not possible for Sheikh Hasina to come out in the open. So
no clear and open statement was made.
As a result, Khaleda Zia gave leadership to the movement and Awami League workers were
shedding their blood.
DISSOLUTION OF ‘86 PARLIAMENT
On the 10th of November, 1987, Nur Hussain an Awami Youth League activist was killed when
the police fired on a protest rally. Nur Hussain was carrying banners on his body. The banners
had the following inscriptions: “Down with Autocracy”, ‘Let Democracy be Unchained.” These
words were widely broadcast home and abroad though the news media.
Ershad became very unhappy. As the Awami League workers were playing a positive role in the
movement, he misunderstood Sheikh Hasina and thought that she in fact had set her workers
against him: “You take my money, eat off my hand, amid then be a traitor to me. I have made
you (Hasina) the leader of the opposition with rank of a minister and with lots of facilities. I have
allowed you to share powers with me in the administration of the country. And then you turn
traitor.”
Sheikh Hasina, S.I. Chowdhury the businessman, and Mahmudul Hasan. D.G. Forces
Intelligence tried to reason with Ershad and explain Hasina’s strategy of stabbing the movement
at the back. But Ershad remained unconvinced. He held that Hasina should publicly support
him. Otherwise, he would not keep her as the leader of the opposition. He would even dissolve
the parliament.
When Sheikh Hasina. owing to tactical reasons, expressed her inability to openly extend
support to Ershad, the latter in 1988, dissolved the two-year old parliament. Through another
bout of election skullduggery, he created a new parliament. ASM Rab of J.S.D., (presently a
minister in Sheikh Hasina’s cabinet) became the leader of the opposition in the new parliament.
THE FALL OF ERSHAD AND THE CARETAKER GOVERNMENT
Khaleda Zia established herself as the uncompromising leader of the people in their struggle
against autocracy. The people were ready to make supreme sacrifices for the fall of Ershad. As
the situation was turning against Sheikh Hasina, she had no option other than aligning herself
with the movement led by Khaleda Zia.
There were meetings on organizing movements under the two leaders. The political movement
now reached a new height. Ershad called the army and clamped curfew. But these were of no
use in the face of the determination of the people united in a common cause. All the tactics of
the autocrat Ershad began to fail.
Ershad started spending millions of taka to buy the student leaders. He released many convicts
from the jails and armed them to put down the movement. One such criminal shot and killed Dr.
Milan on the 27th of November. The movement now spread like wildfire. The curfew as well as
the general strikes for indefinite periods brought to a halt all activities. The only activities that
went on unabated, were street processions, firing of tear gas shells and lethal bullets.
ROLE OF THE ARMY IN THE FALL OF ERSHAD
High ranking Army officers prevailed on the Army Chief Lt. General Nuruddin Khan (at present
Minister in Sheikh Hasina’s Government) to hold a secret meeting with the senior officers. A
decision was taken in that meeting that no support would be given to General Ershad any more.
When the responsibility to communicate this decision to General Ershad was given to Lt.
General Nuruddin Khan, he expressed his inability to do so. Then G.O.C. of 9 Division (Savar
Cantonment) Major General Abdus Salam (at present Awami League M.P. and Chairman of
Red Crescent Society)1 took the responsibility to communicate the decision of the meeting to
General Ershad. From the meeting he straightway went to Dhaka Cantonment and informed
clearly General Ershad of the decision of the senior army officers not to give support to him any
longer. The autocrat completely broke down. Soon after that he decided to resign. In order to
restore civilian administration following the resignation, Vice President Barrister Moudud Ahmed
resigned first and the Chief Justice of the Supreme Court, Justice Shahabuddin Ahmed was
appointed the Vice President. After that President General Ershad submitted his resignation to
the Vice President. As the president had resigned, vice president Shahabuddin Ahmed became
the Acting President. The caretaker Government under his leadership held election of Jatiya
Sangsad (Parliament) on February 27, 1991. In the history of Bangladesh for the first time all
the political parties took part spontaneously in a free, fair election to the parliament under the
caretaker Government. Election Process was proceeding in full swing. All the parties
participating in the election had finalized the nomination of their candidates. People of the
country also for the first time would get an opportunity to cast their votes in a free, fair and
impartial election. Election campaign was going on widely throughout the whole country.
Posters and graffiti covered the walls in all places. Processions and meetings were being held
day in and day out. There would be severe competition mainly between the two parties - B.N.P.
and Awami League. It was difficult to say at what place, which of these two parties would win. At
this time the Bangabandhu’s daughter Awami League President Sheikh Hasina said in a press
conference that BNP would not get more than ten seats.
At the schools and colleges, offices and courts, homes and outside, every where election
propaganda was going on. On February 10, a closed-door meeting took place in a room at 32
Dhanmondi. The meeting was in connection with the election. In the deliberations of the meeting
1 There is some contusion of identity. It was actually Major General Salam. the then Chief of
Staff (COS) of the Army. (Translator)
the motorcycle rider (author) argued with reason that this time Awami League would not go to
power. In the February election Awami League would be defeated and Sheikh Hasina will lose
in both the seats in Dhaka.
Rabiul Alam Chowdhury (now Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina’s P.S. Muktadir Chowdhury) who
was present in the meeting was furious and said: “You fellow, why do you think that Awami
League will not go to power? Awami League is already in power. Look, the Home Secretary,
Establishment Secretary, Foreign Secretary are sitting in the other room. In the room on the
opposite side Inspector General of police is waiting. A little earlier Army Chief General Nuruddin
Khan had come. Even then you say that Awami League will not go to power and Sheikh Hasina
will not become Prime Minister?’
The author said, “in spite of so many Secretaries sitting and police Chief and Army Chief paying
their respects, there is little chance for Awami League winning February election.”
The moment these words were uttered Bnagahandhu’s daughter Sheikh Hasina said in angry
voice - “you get out right now. Don’t come again.”
While going out the author said “Leader, when you have asked me to get out, I must comply.
You yourself will understand after a few days what I have said.”
On February 27, 1991 not only in the election history of Banagladesh, but also in that of the
Sub-continent an unprecedented example of free and fair election was set. The people, male
and female, exercised their voting rights without fear in a festive mood. After the counting of the
votes was over, it was clear that Awami League had been defeated. In both the seats in Dhaka
People’s Leader Sheikh Hasina was defeated by a large margin of votes. Begum Khaleda Zia
and her party B.N.P. became the winner. Rejecting the results, Sheikh Hasina said, “that there
was subtle rigging in the election. I do not accept this result and if Begum Zia forms the
Government, I shall not allow her to be in peace for a single moment.”
DRAMA ABOUT RESIGNATION
All of a sudden Shaikh Hasina announced to the journalists that she had resigned as the
President of the Awami League. It created a great stir in all relevant quarters. The leaders of the
Central Committee of the Awami League were stunned. The office bearers in the Central Office
were stupefied. Without any indication or discussion with any one Shaikh Hasina declared that
she had resigned. But, to whom did she submit her latter of resignation? Where was her letter of
resignation? There was no resignation letter with any official at the Central Office. She did not
even resign in a meeting of the Central Working Committee. There was plenty of speculation in
and outside the Party about the resignation of Shaikh Hasina. Some were saying that she had
not resigned. Some others said that she indeed had done so as she herself had announced her
resignation.
While these speculations were going around, Shaikh Hasina issued instructions to all Students
League and Youth League workers to hold meetings, processions and also organize fasting till
death with the demand for Shaikh Hasina withdrawing her resignation. But as workers of
Student League and Youth League did not respond positively and since the newspapers
created a great commotion, Shaikh Hasina requested Sajeda Chowdhury, the Secretary
General of the Party (at present Shaikh Hasina’s Minister of Forests and Environment), to
announce that she had torn the letter of resignation. In response, Sajeda Chowdhury promptly
complied and made the announcement. The curtain was finally drawn on the drama of
resignation.
The rider of motor cycle (the author) returned to Shaikh Hasina, who received him warmly and
restored to him the responsibility and status as her personal adviser. He advised Shaikh Hasina
to wait patiently and not to make untoward comments about the recently concluded election and
the new government.
PRESIDENTIAL CANDIDATURE AGAINST MONEY
Before the election to the post of the President in place of the one heading the caretaker
government Justice Shahahuddin Ahmed, Shaikh Hasina nominated Haji Makbul Hossain (at
present Awami League MP from Dhanmandi-Mohammadpur constituency and President of
Mohammadpur Thana Awami League) in exchange for a payment of Taka 30 lacs (3 million).
However, Ershad and his Jatiya Party put up the candidature of the former Chief Justice of the
Supreme Court Justice Badrul Haider Chowdhury. As many people advised Shaikh Hasina that
if Haji Maqhul became the presidential candidate from the Awami League, the latter’s image
would he tarnished and, it would be desirable to put up Jusice Badrul Haider Chowdhury’s
candidature jointly. She finally agreed. She called Justice Chowdhury to her house at Road 32
and after some discussion asked him to meet and obtain the blessings of Professor Golam
Azam, Amir of ]amaat-e-lslami, a war criminal and murderer during the liberation war.
Haji Maqbul Hossain however was hesitating in with drawing his candidature, in spite of
instructions given by Shaikh Hasina to do so. At one stage, he refused to withdraw his
candidature without getting the refund of Taka 30 lacs paid to Shaikh Hasina. She called him,
almost forcibly brought him, to her house at Road No. 32 and asked him angrily if he was fit to
be a Presidential candidate.
Then she said, “By nominating you as Awami League’s candidate for presidential election I had
given you a rare honour. Is not this enough for you? It is certain that you will not win the election
for president. Now, remain silent”
Haji Makbul was not happy. Sheikh Hasina said, I will remember what you have done for me. I
will compensate you in the future. Now show your loyalty to me. Haji Makbul complied.
JAHANARA IMAM AND SHAIKH HASINA
Begum Khaleda Zia was the Prime Minister of Bangladesh and Shaikh Hasina the Leader of the
Opposition. Instead of co-operation and friendship, great enmity developed between the two,
which became increasingly more intense.
At this time, anti-liberation forces and fundamentalist political party, Jamaat-e-lslami, made the
war criminal and murderer, Golam Azam their Amir or the chief of the party. In protest, Jahanara
Imam, the mother of a martyr established a national coordination committee called the
Committee for the Realization of the Spirit of Liberation War and Elimination of Murderers and
Agents on February II, 1992 and started a movement. There was widespread acceptance of this
movement. When the new generation of people started participating in the program of Jahanara
Imam with great faith and enthusiasm, Shaikh Hasina began to feel uneasy and became
agitated. She continued to say that Jahanara Imam had opened up a new shop and started a
new business in order to become a leader. Jahanara Imam can not run a business and that is
why she opened up a new business exploiting name of the liberation war.”
The rider of motor cycle (author) said to Shaikh Hasina, “What are you talking about? The entire
nation knew well that Jahanara Imam was the Shahid’s mother. Her son, Rumi, became a
martyr during the liberation war. She is a martyr’s mother.”
Shaikh Hasina got excited and said, “Stop talking about martyr’s mother. What type of martyr’s
mother was she’? Her son Rumi got killed by his own shots fired while engaged in plundering.
Her husband used to provide supplies to the Army during the war in 1971. The motor cycle rider
pointed out that if one talked such things to the people, it would be counter productive.
The daughter of Bangabondhu replied, 'that is why I have been enduring all these things and
not breathing a word. I am now saying something which you should convey to the people. They
(Jahanara Imam) used to Live in the first house on the right of Road 32 in a 2-stovey building. It
was the first house east of our house (Bangabandhui Hiuse). The Pakistani Army used to guard
Jahanara Imam and her family. Jahanara Imam's husband used to manage supplies to the
Pakistan Army; They amassed huge fortune at that time. And now they have come here to
realize the spirit of the liberation war! In fact, she has come here to seize my leadership. As I
was defeated in the election, .Jahanara Imam, in clandestine collaboration with Khaleda Zia,
has been thinking of becoming a leader of the people. That is why she has been talking about
the trial of Golam Azam, trial of war criminals, realization of the spirit of liberation war, and so
on. You should all beware of her and caution everyone about her. No one should get into the
trap of Jahanara lmam.”
The author inquired of Shaikh Hasina if she would attend the function and participate in the
program of Jahanara Imam. Bangabandhu’s daughter replied, “It does not matter whether I go
or not, but you all must not attend those functions. Don’t you understand I have to go to many
places against my wish. I may have to go to the program of Jahanara Imam for tactical reasons,
but you all must not go.
GHOLAM AZAM - SHEIKH HASINA PARLEY
Jahanara Imam the mother of a Marty of 1971, was the convener of the coordination Committee
for Realization of the Ideals of the Liberation War and Elimination of the Killers and
Collaborators (Ghatak-DaIal Nirmul Committee). She set up a mass tribunal for the trial’ of the
1971 war criminals and collaborators including Gholam Azam. The tribunal, on the 26th of
March, 1992, (Independence Day), awarded a death sentence to Gholam Azam. Jahanara
lmam called upon the Government to implement the mass verdict and announced a program of
public agitation on the issue.
Following this development a secret meeting was held between Gholam Azam and Sheikh
Hasina at the residence of Sheikh Helaluddin at Indira Road. (Sheikh Helaluddin is the eldest
son of Shiekh Naser, Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujib’s only brother and thus a first cousin of Sheikh
Hasina. Sheikh Helal is presently an Awaini League MP from Mollarhat-Fakirhat constituency of
Bagerhat district). It was decided in the meeting that Gholam Azam and his party (Jamaat)
would withdraw their support to BNP and instead co-operate with the movement to be organized
by Awaini League to bring down Khaleda Zia’s BNP Government. In return, Sheikh Hasina
committed herself to sabotage the growing political agitation under Jahanara Imam. From then
on a secret and close relationship began to develop between Gholam Azam and Sheikh Hasina.
1992-HINDU-MUSLIM RIOT
It was the first week of December, 1992. The Prime Minister of Bangladesh, Khaleda Zia was
the current chairperson of the South Asian Agreement for co-operation (SAARC). The summit
meeting of the seven SAARC member countries had been scheduled to be held in Dhaka. The
date, time and place of the summit had all been slated. Begum Khaleda Zia as the chairperson
was to inaugurate the conference. Quite a few Heads of Governments had already started
arriving Dhaka. The Indian Prime Minister was expected any time. In the meantime, however,
there was a serious outbreak of communal riots in India following the demolition of Babri
Mosque. The leader of the opposition, Sheikh Hasina promptly summoned the rider of the
motor-cycle’ (i.e. the author) to her official residence at 29 Minto Road.
On reaching there, he learnt that Sheikh Hasina had left a message asking him to meet her at
Bangabandhu Bhaban at Dhanmnondi. The author was taken to the library room of the Bhaban.
The conversation that took place between Sheikh Hasina and the author is as follows:
Sheikh Hasina: Organize Hindu-Muslim riots throughout the country.
Author: (Surprised) No, this is not proper.
Sheikh Hasina: Don’t think about what is right and what is wrong. I am asking you to organize
the riot. Do it.
Author: I have gone to different areas of the city and asked the youth to be watchful and prevent
any attack on the Hindus. Now you are asking me to organize communal riots’?
Sheikh Hasina: Yes.
Author: No my leader. It is unethical.
Sheikh Hasina: (Angry). Hell with your principles. I am your leader. Do what I ask you to do.
Author: I deeply respect your command. However, if there are attacks on the Hindus, they will
certainly leave this country. Remember, they always vote for
Sheikh Hasina: The Hindus here have no place to go. You just do your job.
Author: (Unconvinced) If the Hindus leave for India. (following a large scale riot all over), there
will be an influx of Muslims from India. They may be inclined to vote for BNP. Have you
considered this point?
Sheikh Hasina: You fool. Don’t you understand that a situation has to be created that will make
the holding of SAARC conference impossible. The conference will be chaired by Khaleda Zia.
The Indian Prime Minister, Narhsima Rao has not yet arrived. This is the time for starting a
communal riot. (This will create a situation that will make the arrival of the Indian Prime Minister
inopportune. The absence of the Indian Prime Minister will abort the SAARC Conference).
Besides, Jahanara Imam is getting popular and many of the Hindus are now behind her. She is
increasingly becoming a threat to my leadership. She has to be cut down to size. The riot will kill
two birds with one stone-SAARC aborted and Jahanara Imam cut to size.
The author was entrusted with the task of organizing communal riots in Dhaka. It was decided
that telephones at 29 Minto Road and at Bangabandhu Bhaban would not be used for the
purpose. Instead the telephone of Sheikh Hafizur Rabman, a cousin of Sheikh Hasina and the
Secretary General of Bangabandhu Trust would be used to communicate instructions to outlying
districts for organizing Hindu-Muslim riots. This was measure to prevent possible leakages of
the plan. The government of Khaleda Zia should not get any scent of the plan thus hatched.
A number of thugs, goons and terrorists of the city were organized according to the plan of
Shiekh Hasina and given Taka Five lacs in cash. They were assembled near Shivbari Temple
east of Jagannath Hall in the University area. After distributing 100 Taka notes among them,
they were told, “Muslims are being butchered in India, women violated, their property looted.
Should we the Muslims of Bangladesh watch it in silence? Go, start your work,”
The thugs and looters immediately began to plunder the property of Shivbari Temple with great
enthusiasm. The next targets were Dhakeshwari temple and Ramkrishna Mission. Both cash
rewards and inflammatory speeches had their effects on the looters. The looting soon spread to
Tantibazar, Shakharipatti, Banglabazar. Millharrack, Goshaibari. Narinda, and Islampur areas of
the old city. Hindu shops were the main targets in the old city. Since the local agent
provocateurs were known faces, inflammatory speeches could reveal the link between Awami
League and the organization or the riot. Currency notes, rather than provocative speeches w~te
more extensively used in the old city.
As the looting continued, Sheikh Hasina was contacted at 32 Dhanmondi after three to four
hours of its commencement. She was informed of the successful execution of her plan. Jubilant
Hasina praised the work of the author in the following words, "Good boy, you can deliver the
goods. That’s why I need you so much. I will have you elected as the member of the Parliament
from Moksedpur-Kashiani constituency of Gopalgonj at the next election.”
The riot spread to fresh areas. Narshima Rao did not arrive. SAARC summit was effectively
sabotaged.
STOPPING FERRY BOATS
Sheikh Hasina was having midday day meal at the official residence at 29, Minto Road. I jointed
in. She said, “I had not been to Tungipara2. Let’s go their tomorrow. Ask Inland Water Transport
Authority (IWTA) to make arrangement for special ferryboats.”
I asked, “What route would you take my leader? Aricha or Mawa?
“Aricha route is a long one. Mawa is shorter. I will take the later route,” she replied.
Now, Aricha route had only one ferry crossing (The service is supported by a large number of
good ferryboats). Mawa route involved river crossings at three points each having a limited
number of boats. Making arrangement for special ferries meant withdrawing of boats from
regular service for the exclusive use of the VlP. A boat is released only after a particular VIP
had used it.
I argued: if you choose Mawa route, then special ferries will have to be arranged at three
different river crossings. It will result in huge traffic congestion and people will suffer a great
deal. It is better to take Aricha route. The leader was unconvinced. “Should I stop traveling by
road if there is an occasional, traffic congestion," she replied.
I left the following day at 7 N.M. with my wile and daughter. My plan was to join her at Buriganga
Bridge. Having reached there I waited for a while. As I did not see the leader coming. I drove to
the next ferry station at the Dhaleshwari. There was a special police contingent on duty for
escorting Sheikh Hasina to cross the river. The notional hag was fluttering in the breeze atop a
special ferry withdrawn form the normal service. Traffic congestion had already begun. But there
was no sign of the leader’s arrival. We managed to cross the river eventually.
At Bhanga, we saw the leader coming from the directions of Aricha. We joined the entourage.
At Gopalgonj Circuit House, where Sheikh Hasina had stopped for a while, she disclosed the
reasons for changing her mind.
“Dhaka-Aricha is much better road”, she said.
But you could have informed the police and the IWTA officials. As they did not know about the
change of plan, ferry service remained severely restricted causing considerable suffering to the
people.
Oh that? You should not worry if they idle away a few hours on the road Most people are
without jobs anyway.
SECOND MEETING BETWEEN SHEIKH HASINA AND GHOLAM AZAM
The election of the Mayor and the Commissioners of Uhaka City Corporation was to be held on
January 30. 1994. Awami League had nominated Muhammad Hanif, the President of Dhaka
Metropolitan Area Awami League, as Its candidate for the position.
The election activities, propaganda, street meetings etc, were at their peak. Sheikh Hasina met
Gholam Azam, the Jamaat leader in the evening of the 25th of January at the residence of her
cousin Sheikh Hafizur Rahman at Road no 8/A, Dhanmondi. Gholam Azam gave Sheikh Hasina
the assurance that Jamaat would hut support the BNP candidate. Sheikh Hasina, in return,
assured Gholam Azam that Awami league would not politically attack or embarrass Jammat.
THE DEMAND FOR CANCELING ELECTION OF CITY CORPORATION
It was January 30, 1994. The City Mayor would be elected through a direct election. The voting
would commence from 8 A.M. in the morning and continue till 4 P.M. in the afternoon.
Sheikh Hasina left her home after eating her breakfast and drove to a few polling stations later.
She reached her official residence at Minto Road at about II AM. Within 15 minutes, Abdul Jalil,
Joint Secretary of Awami League (presently a member of the Presidium), arrived in a huff and
said “Our position is not good. Our people are being driven out of the polling stations. I have
always been saying that Awami League is a party for agitation and movement, not for
organizing elections. We will not win.
No sooner had he finished than Zillur Rahman (presently Minister for Local Government and
Co-operatives) arrived. He was followed by Abdur Razzaque (present Water Resources
Minister) and a few other leaders. Nearly all of them were mentioning about unfair means at the
election.
Abdur Razzaque demurred, “Has any of us really seen our people being driven out of the polling
stations?” There was no answer.
Sheikh Hasina said. “There is no need for verification. If this has not happened already, it will
happen soon". She picked up the telephone and contacted a member of the Election
Commission.
‘‘I have information about false voting and resort to unfair means. Cancel the election.’’
The Commissioner was apparently surprised. “We have no information about the occurrence of
any event that calls for postponement of election, let alone canceling it.”
"Ask the Chief Election Commissioner to contact me,” She left the telephone.
The Chief Election Commissioner was contacted at about 10 P.M. “What happened. You have
not yet announced cancellation of election.” She said in a loud voice.
“Madam, the results received so far show that Awami League candidate is leading the poll with
a wide margin. It is almost certain that Muhammad Hanif will be the Mayor. Do you suggest~
cancellation of election at this stage?" The Chief Election Commissioner said.
“I see, well you should ensure that the result is not reversed, I will contact you again,” She left
the telephone.
Zillur Rahman was doubtful. “It may be a trick”, he said.
Sheikh Razzaque said, “I have close contact with a person at the Election Commission. Let me
find out the truth.
Yes, ascertain the situation from different quarters, “She directed the leaders present there.
Abdur Razzaque returned at 1-30 AM. in the morning with the information that all news media
including foreign media had broadcast the victory of Moharmmad Hanif. He was now unofficially
the City Mayor.
I went upstairs to break the news to the leader. Sheikh Hasina was watching a Hindi film over a
television with dish antenna connection. I told her that Abdur Razzaque was waiting downstairs
to meet her.
"The story in the film has reached a climax, it is the most exciting part. No, I can’t see anybody
now. Tell him that I have gone to bed.” Later Abdus Samad Azad wanted to talk to her over
phone. He was given the same reply.
I WANT MY SHARE OF THE BOOTY
It had been decided that Mayor Mahammad Hanif would take an oath at the grave of lather of
the nation Bangahandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman at Tungipara. The time had been finalized.
The leader of Opposition Sheikh Hasina would go to Tungipara with Mayor Hanif. Preparations
for going to Tungipara was complete but Mayor Hanif did not turn up. When contacted the
Mayor said that he was unwell. Hanif did not come to Sheikh Hasina’s house, nor did he go to
the Awami League office. Later, he formally took oath and charge of the office of the Mayor of
Dhaka. He spoke to Begum Zia, the Prime Minister, once or twice a day on the hotline. He met
her almost every day and conducted the affairs of the City Corporation in consultation with her.
But he hardly came to Sheikh Hasina, Awami League leaders or workers. Sheikh Hasina, used
to slap her own forehead and abuse Hanif - ‘ungrateful, betrayer; I made him the Mayor after
spending taka one crore and thirty seven lakh. Disloyal traitor!’
Sheikh Hasina kept on repeating the same theme to anybody she met. Someone said, “OK.
Hanif Bhai (brother) has become the Mayor. He will make money, he will misappropriate money
- let him do so. We don’t want any share. But why shouldn’t he work for the party?”
In response, Sheikh Hasina said, - “why’? Why should he misappropriate the money alone?" He
will have to give us our shares. I have made him the Mayor after spending one crore thirty
seven lakh taka. I spent the money for him through you. Hanif has not spent a single paisa.
Then why should Hanif alone enjoy the booty. I, Sheikh Hasina, will certainly realize the full
compensation from him.”
Sheikh Hasina used to say - “I have phoned him a hundred times. But Mayor Hanif does not
receive my call. He is asked to come and meet me but he does not do so. If I send an emissary,
he says - ‘go away. Get back to the place where you came from. You have become the
opposition party; stay there. You cannot go any further towards the seat of power, I am not with
you (all words in colloquial slang).
JAHANARA IMAM IS DEAD - THE DANGER IS GONE
In the evening of June 26 or 27, 1994 the President of the Awami League in the US conveyed
the message over telephone that Shaliid-Janani (Martyr’s mother) Jahanara Imam had died on
June 26. Sheikh Hasina started dancing in joy at the news and said — “Eat sweets. One of my
enemies has left the world." She wanted to become a leader — wanted to occupy my position.
She is now dead — an evil obstacle is gone. You don’t know, Indian RAW (Indian Intelligence
Agency) wanted to put Jahanara Imam in the position of leadership in my place. The woman (in
slang) is dead, eat sweets. Distribute money to the beggars.
After a few days when the dead body of Jahanara Imam arrived at the Zia international airport
from the States, Sheikh Hasina said. “Let’s go to the Airport and organize dropping of the dead
body of the dangerous woman into the grave.”
Sheikh Hasina then drove towards the Airport in her red Nissan patrol. As she was being driven,
she continued to mutter (in colloquial slang, a dialect spoken by the lowly) — the woman
irritated me a lot. I don’t want to see the face of the dead woman. But I have to go there. In
politics you have to do a lot of things against your wish.”
The daughter of Bangabandhu Sheikh Hasina did go to the runway of the airport, but did not go
near the body of late Jahanara Imam.
SHEIKH HASINA’S TRAIN IS SHOT AT
On September 22, 1994, Thursday, the Leader of Opposition Sheikh Hasina traveled to Jessore
by air and then drove to Khulna. She addressed a public meeting at Shahid Hadis Park in the
afternoon. At night she dined at the house of her cousin, Sheikh Helal (eldest son of her
paternal uncle Sheikh Naser) and stayed there. The next day—Friday, at 9 a.m. she started her
journey towards North Bengal by train—a long journey. The ordinary passengers in the train
could not know as to when the train would reach the destination asr Sheikh Hasina would
address meetings at different stations on the way. The train started at 9 am, but at every station
it was stopped and she addressed public meetings. It took about an hour or an hour and a
quarter at every station for her to address the meeting and return to the train. This is how the
time was spent. There were more than a dozen journalists (whom Sheikh Hasina called
dangerous or “Sanghatik” in Bengali rhyming with the Bengali word Sangbadik’ meaning
journalists). In one of the VIP compartments towards the tear of the train was Sheikh Hasina.
There were twelve policemen and officials in the front and the rear compartments. They had
come from Dhaka for the security of Sheikh Hasina. The journalists were in the next
compartment. In the remaining compartments were the ordinary passengers who were in great
distress at the unexpected delay of the train journey which had already taken more than twenty
four hours in place of normal six hours. Food and drinking water available to the passengers got
exhausted and the passengers were suffering from thirst and shortage of food.
As the hunger and thirst of the children and the distress of ordinary passengers became
unbearable, many passengers left the train with their families before reaching their destinations.
For Sheikh Hasina, her companions and the journalists, ample food and drinking water (mineral
water bottles) were being supplied at every station.
Throughout the day Sheikh Hasina addressed about twenty rail-station meetings. She even
addressed meetings, at unscheduled places as interested people stopped the train. The
journalists who came from Dhaka kept on taking notes at every meeting and Sheikh Hasina also
kept the journalists under her scrutinizing eye. As she was repeating the same speech,
journalists almost memorized her words and did not bother to get down from the train at night
and record her speech.
It was seventeen minutes past eleven at night. ‘The train would soon reach lshwardi station,
when Sheikh Hasina said. ‘Are all the journalists (using the Bengali word danger-man),
sleeping? I brought them from Dhaka after spending so much of money and they have been
provided with comforts normally available to sons-in- law (for writing reports). The meetings are
well attended. I am giving so many public speeches, and it seems that the journalists (danger—
men) hardly take note of those. You wake them up and send them to my meetings so that they
can send good reports for the newspapers.
The employee of Sheikh Hasina — Madan Mohan Das — (who carries her bags and in whose
name the red Nissan Patrol Jeep is registered) said (in slang colloquial dialect) —‘It is not
necessary to wake them up by calling. Let there be two rounds of pistol shots and the
sleepiness of the journalists will vanish. They will jump out of the train.’
As if Sheikh Hasina got Aladin’s lamp, she shouted out to her cousin (the son of her father’s
cousin’s) Bahauddin Naseem (currently her A.P.S) — “Fire two rounds of pistol shots.”
She told her other companions in the compartment- “You will all tell the journalists that the train
was tired at with the intention of killing Sheikh Hasina.” A few minutes before the train reached
lshwardi, Bahauddin Naseem fired three rounds through the compartment window towards the
compartment of the journalists. On hearing that, the officials in charge of Sheikh Hasina’s
security fired five or six rounds. The sound of all these firing scared the journalists and they
started rolling omi the floor of the compartment. Then we went to the journalists, and as had
been planned earlier, started saying that the train had been Fired at with the intention of killing
Sheikh Hasina. When the train reached lshwardi station, Amir Husain Amu, a Presidium
Member started giving publicity over microphone that the train had been shot at with a view to
killing Sheikh Hasina. The next day on November 24, the national dailies carried the news that
I3angabandhu’s daughter Sheikh Hasina was fired at in the train, We, her companions, who
knew the real story sat in the VIP Room of Bogra Circuit House and laughed a lot. At one stage
of this merry-making, it was decided to call a ‘Hartal’ to protest against this “attempted killing” of
Sheikh Hasina.
THE ADVANCE OF TAKA FIFTY THOUSAND
It was October 2, 1994. The Dharala River of Rangpur can be quite difficult to cross, as its
currents are as strong as those of the Padma and the Meghna. One has to cross the river in
order to go to Nageswar and Fulbaria from Rangpur and Kurigram. There is one small wooden
ferryboat for crossing the river. Two wooden boats were joined for making the ferry. The ferry
could not accommodate more than one or two cars.
Sheikh Hasina would cross the river in this ferry for the purpose of addressing meetings at
Nageswar — Fulbaria. After about half of the cars of her convoy crossed the river by the
ferryboat, Sheikh Hasina’s car was put on the ferry.
As soon as she stepped on it, she shouted out in horror — ‘Oh my Lord! What kind of boat is
this? There is only one small wooden ferry for crossing this large river!”
Sheikh Hasina was accompanied by only five companions including Amir Husain Amu, AL
Presidium Member, and the driver of the car Mohammed Jalal. Six special branch police
personnel were also there.
Sheikh Hasina told the boatmen, ‘take care so that the boat does not sink.’
The two boatmen said, —"please don’t be afraid. Though the ferry is made of wood and small, it
is strong. It may sink only if the bottom of the boat breaks."
Presidium Member Amir Husain Amu said, — ‘I hope you have not already damaged the bottom
of the boat!’
The boatman replied, — “if we wanted to damage the boat, we could stealthily remove a
wooden plank without anybody noticing it. When the boat reaches the mid-stream, and if the
planks are removed, water will rush in and the boat will sink in no time. No one would have any
idea as to what has happened. Sec everything is not in your hand. The Good Lord has given
some power to us as well.”
Presidium Member Ammi said, ‘sink this boat if Khaleda Zia travels in this.’’
Alter that Sheikh Hasina changed the topic and started talking to the boatmen and inquired
about their wellbeing. The boatmen narrated to her their personal difficulties and distress and
made some complaints regarding their service life. The leader of the opposition Sheikh Hasina
assured them, — ‘if I go to power, I will meet all your demands.’
When the boat reached the other side, Sheikh Hasina along with others got down and all went
to Nageswar and Fulbaria. After the meetings, she instructed that the return should be by the
same route through which we had come. The original plan was to return to Dhaka via Jamalpur
of Mymensingh. A part of the entourage had already proceeded towards Jamalpur according to
the plan. Even then the daughter of Bangabandhu was unbending in her decision and ordered
return through the same route. Hasina came back to the Dharala river. When we reached the
ferry ghat, she got down from her red Nissan Patrol Jeep and asked everyone, including the
Special Branch Security men, to cross the ferry. She said ‘‘I will be the last to cross the river.’’
Following her instructions everyone crossed the ferry with their transports except Sheikh
Hasina, the driver Jalal with the red Nissan Patrol, and mile. They boarded the ferry with the two
boatmen. As the boat started to move, Sheikh Hasina began talking to the boatmen. She said,
“you have so much of troubles worries and problems but Ziaur Rabman’s wife Khaleda and her
sons arc plundering the country. They are taking everything for themselves, and not giving
anything to you at all. They should be got rid of. They have no right to live They are responsible
for your distress. Do a thing. Kill Khaleda Zia by drowning her in this very river by sinking the
ferry. I will give you five lakhs Taka. Now, take fifty thousand taka as advance.”
So saying, Sheikh Hasina brought out a wad of Tk. 500/- notes from her bag and wanted to
hand it over to the boatmen. The boatmen were thunder-struck. Hasina said - “take it, hold the
bundle.”
The boatmen hesitated and said, “well, Khaleda Zia does not come this way. We will not be able
to do this. We are small people, how can we do this?”
Sheikh Hasina said — “you are the people who can do it. Take Taka Fifty thousand now, you
will get the remaining four hundred and fifty thousand when the job is over.” She called her only
companion on the ferry by name (the author) and said “As soon as the boatmen finish their job,
please hand over the remaining amount to them.”
The companion could not say anything. The boatmen were repeatedly saying — ‘how can we
do this’? Begum Zia does not travel this way. We can’t do this.’
Hasina again said, “I am not asking you to do this straightway. You do it when KIlaleda Zia
comes this way”
The boatmen said — “we are poor people. We can’t retain money. This will be spent. How can
we return your money when we have exhausted this’?”
Hasina then said, “you domi’t have to return the money. You w]l only get the remnainimlg
amoumit after yocm have drowned Khaleda Zia. Take this money as tips. Yoim’ll get the rest on
completion of your assignment.”
Sheikh Hasina then almost forcibly pushed the bundle containing Taka Fifty thousand into the
hands of the boatmen. The ferry reached the opposite bank. Sheikh Hasina got into the Jeep.
As it started moving, her companion asked Sheikh Hasina “Leader, what have you done, just
threw away taka fifty thousand into water?’’
She replied “no, I haven’t dropped money into water; just made an investment. Since I had
traveled in this route, I am sure Madam (Khaleda Zia) will follow suit and come this way. Then
this investment will be of use. This is why I held out the temptation of Four and a half lakh taka.
You can get even the tiger’s eye with money. If Khaleda Zia travels this way, then the job will be
done. The greed of four and half lakh taka will prompt the boatmen to finish the job. Have the
boatmen ever seen taka fifty thousand? I gave fifty thousand taka just to create greed for money
in them’’
SCATTERING OF FLOWER
Fourteenth December of 1994 was the martyred intellectual day. Everyone assembled at the
official residence of the leader of the Opposition Sheikh Hasina at 29 Minto Road. At seven in
the morning, she started for the Martyrs’ mausoleum at Mirpur. At eight-forty she placed floral
wreath at the memorial.
Then she went to the slaughtering yard at Rayerbazar. After placing wreathes theme she gave a
short speech for the organization of the children of the martyred intellectuals — Prajanma’7 I.
Thereafter, she went to see Nakib Ahmed Mannoo (now Sheikh Hasina’s Deputy Private
Secretary), son of her father’s cousin at Bhuiyan Clinic near Malibagh Railway Crossing. On her
return to the official residence, we started having lunch together at about 2-30 p.m. As we ate,
Hasina ruefully commented — ‘today a discussion meeting organized by the city Awami League
will be held at Bangabandhu Avenue. After two days, I will resign from the position of the leader
of the Opposition in the Parliament). This would be my last function where I would be the Chief
Guest. I am the future Prime Minister. I am the daughter of the father of the nation
Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahrnan. Before me is the movement for unseating Khaleda Zia.
At this moment, it is necessary to enhance my image. I will attend a function associated with the
Victory Day, but I am sure they have not organized any scattering of flowers on me. As a matter
of fact these people — I mean AL leaders, are all uncultured, and businessmen and don’t have
a thinking mind. They don’t do anything unless instructed. Can you organize spattering of
flowers on me by the women and children at the function?
‘Leader, don’t worry,’ I said, ‘flower petals will be spattered on you.” It was then three-thirty. Only
after half an hour, the daughter of Bangabandhu will be on the podium of the function. How
could I get girls and children within this short time? I, therefore, hurriedly bought some flowers
from the High Court Mazar flower vendors am1d organized spattering of flowers by my wile and
the daughter.
MAINTAINING PET DOGS
Bahauddin Naseem is the son of a cousin of Sheikh Hasina’s lather Sheikh Mujibur Rahmnan.
He is now Hasina’s APS. Three of her other cousins are. Nazir Ahmed Nazib (Chief of the
Security of Prime Minister, Naquib Ahmed Manno, (now her DPS) and Kaniz Ahmned Kaniz
(who occasionally became deranged and had been under treatment at a private clinic for mental
patients at Banani) and is now in charge of the protocol at the Bangladesh Mission in the USA.
Their home is in an unknown village in Madaripur, a dilapidated tin shed. They are poor through
generations. Their fathers, uncles, and they themselves studied whatever little they could by
staying at other people’s homes as guest-students (taken on humanitarian grounds, locally
known as lodging). They had no establishment of any sorts in Dhaka. They would sleep at night
wherever they got a chance. ‘[heir nearest relative was Sheikh Hasina. So, there was no
problem. They all, in a group. took shelter at Sheikh Hasina’s home. They lived with Sheikh
Hasina. Their food and clothing’s were provided by her, who also gave them money. What more
could one want?
Very soon, with the doles from the wealth of Sheikh Hasina, they got dozens of pants, shirts,
shoes. Some of them even became wealthy through her patronage. Bahauddimi Naseem,
among them, thought that no one should speak to Sheikh Hasina directly, whoever he might be
- even if he was a central party leader, or a leading intellectual. Irrespective of one’s position or
status, none should speak to Sheikh Hasina or transmit any news or information to her (except
through him.
It anyone wanted to speak to her, one would have to approach Bahauddin Naseem first. He
would transmit the information to Sheikh Hasina only if he considered it sufficiently important.
Likewise, if she wanted to speak to anyone, the communication should go through him.
Transmission of news would depend on Bahauddin’s considered judgment. His important role
developed on account of Sheikh Hasina’s two weaknesses for him. One of these was that a few
crores of Takas were kept in the name of Bahauddimi Naseem in a Branch of the United
Commercial Bank (UCBL Motijheel Branch) located at the East side of Adamjee Court,
Motijheel. It may be mentioned that the chief accused in the murder case of the industrialist
Zakir Uddin, Akhtaruzzamnan Babu of Chittagong was the Director/Chairman of the Bank. The
other weakness was that he is a son of Sheikh Mujib’s cousin. This Bahauddin Naseem
occasionally at Hasina’s house at Road 5, Dhanmondi, regretfully said — ‘The Mistress of this
house (Sheikh Hasina) is unscrupulous and ungrateful. She will betray any trust. She does not
care to remember things. I would rather have some pet dogs here. They will be more faithful.
Quite often Bahauddin Naseem used to make comments like this. As a matter of fact, he
brought two puppies and started maintaining them there. The two puppies have become quite
big now at Hasina’s house. They cannot be called puppies any more. Why did Bahauddin
Naseem say such things? 1-fe was allowed to live in Sheikh Hasina’s house. But strangely
enough, Hasina with her peculiar mentality, would, with the help of gate-men, drive away
Naseem’s father or his brothers, whenever they wanted to visit him at her house.
HUSBAND AND WIFE NEVER SLEPT TOGETHER
On December 28, 1994 Bangabandhu’s daughter Sheikh Hasina resigned from her seat in the
Parliament. She vacated her official residence at 29 Minto Road and moved to her house at
Road. 5 Dhanmondi. The ground and first floors of the house are in the name of Hasina’s
estranged husband Dr. Wazed Miah.
The second floor is in Sheikh Hasina’s own name. The husband. Dr. Wazed Miah, a scientist,
sought loan from Sheikh Hasina when he ran out of money after having constructed the first
floor. Then Hasina got the second floor recorded in her name and gave Dr. Wazed the required
money. However, Dr. Wazed Miah and Sheikh Hasina never spent a single night together in this
house. Not only that, ever since Sheikh Hasina returned to Bangladesh on May 17, 1981,
Hasina and Wazed had never spent a single night together as husband and wife. They even did
not stay in the same house. Sheikh Hasina stayed for a few days at the official quarter of Dr.
Wazed Miah at Mohakhali immediately after her return to Bangladesh on May 17, 1982.
Those days Dr. Wazed Miah stayed in a government Rest House. and not in his own quarters.
Alter that, Sheikh Hasina went to her lather’s house at Road 32. Dhanmondi. Then she went to
29, Minto Road, the official residence of the leader of the Opposition. At that time the house of
Sheikh Hasina and her husband Dr. Wazed Miah at 54, Road 5. Dhanmondi was rented out. In
December 1994. the tenants of the house were almost forcibly driven out and she moved in.
She Participated in political movements and in the general election while staying in that house.
After becoming the Prime Minister, she moved to ‘Korotoa’, now Ganabhavan. In all these 16/17
years, Dr. Wazed Miah never spent a night with Sheikh Hasina. They meet very infrequently in
all these years. But occasionally Dr. Wazed Miah used to appear aimlessly at her house, but
was never greeted or received by Sheikh Hasina. She did not even extend normal courtesy to
him.
When Sheikh Hlasina was staying at 29 Minto Road as the leader of the opposition. Dr. Wazed
Miah, on an Eid day, came to visit her to extend Eid greetings as an ordinary visitor. But Hasina,
though exchanged pleasantries with other visitors, did not take any notice of her husband. No
one even asked him to take a seat. Dr. Wazed Miah cast a sad glance at Sheikh Hasina and
slowly walked oat of the room and left through the front gate. Except Sheikh Hasina and some
of her close associates, no one could know who the visitor was. Dr. Wazed Miah fell ill many
times and was hospitalized even for months at the Suhrawardy Hospital and at a few other
hospitals, but Sheikh Hasina never cared to visit her husband even once
INJURIES ON THE PERSON OF SHEIKH HASINA
There are many signs of injury on the body of Sheikh Hasina. She sometimes groaned in pain,
even sometimes burst into tears. She would call Maina (author’s wife, serial No. 2 in the list of
the declared undesirables’) to administer a massage on a certain part of her body. The satan’s
son (Dr. Wazed Miah) hit me at this place in 1980. and I still suffer from pain, she would say.
One of Maina’s primary duties was to massage her body. Almost every morning Maina
massaged her body and woke her up from bed and then again massaged her while she went to
bed. Maina also received or entertained important visitors. She would have initial talks with a
visiting VIP and brief Sheikh Hasina about the purpose of the visit. She used to receive
telephone calls and transmitted messages to Sheikh Hasina. She had to organize Hasina’s daily
meals and her wardrobe. Her additional duty was to keep Hasina informed of happenings
outside.
These were Maina’s responsibilities. But she did not have any regular employment. She was
not paid for the duties performed. Rather Maina (author’ wife) extended any help within her
means, required by Sheikh Hasina.
Sheikh Hasina occasionally held Maina and cried, saying that, “the devil’s son (Dr. Wazed Miah)
used to beat me three times a day — in the morning, at noon and at night. To escape from the
possible beating by the bastard, at least once, I went out at noon to the park with Joy and Putul
(her children). There is nothing left in my body due to the beating of that Satan, That devil’s son
started torturing me immediately after our marriage.”
STRANGE CHARACTER, ACTION AND FATE
Sheikh Hasina used to cry and repeatedly say that her husband, Dr. Wajed Miah, tortured her
physically and beat her. Maina also shed tears in sympathy. But why did the husband torture
her and give her thrashing? Sheikh Hasina never explained that. She possessed such a strange
character and fate. Her only daughter having returned from abroad used to say that her mother
had many colours and wondered what type of colour she would wear at a particular time
Whenever Sheikh Haisna would say something, Putul asked: “What number of colour are you
putting on now?” She used to ask the same question to her maternal aunt. Sheikh Rehana, and
tell her that her sister had a provean way of changing colours.
The daughter of Bangabandhu used to remain silent and would not reply. When Shaikh Hasina
brought a proposal for marriage of her daughter. Putul immediately jumped at it and gave her
consent. It appeared that she wanted to escape from the life with her mother through anybody.
Shaikh Hasina also, it appeared. wanted to free herself by giving her daughter in marriage to
any willing young man.
Shaikh Hasina would call over phone her only son, Joy, who was abroad and requested him to
bring a saree for her when he would return to Bangladesh. Joy would curtly refuse the request
and express his inability. She used to express her regrets before others at the behaviour of her
children.
None could see any flaw in Shaikh Hasina’s treatment of her children. Yet, it was strange that
they would behave that way to her.
SHALL NOT MARRY DAUGHTER TO COLLABORATOR’S SON
When the daughter of Bangabandhu arranged the marriage of her daughter Putul, an angry Dr.
Wajed, rushed to House-54 at Dhanmandi and asked if the daughter belonged only to her and
not to him as well. He refused to give consent to her marriage to the son of a collaborator, who
used to roam around (during the liberation war) with rifle for the purpose of killing the freedom
fighters. He asked Shaikh Hasina not to finalise the wedding. Sheikh Hasina replied that she
would go ahead with the wedding regardless of what her husband thought. Dr. Wajed asked her
once again not to marry the daughter to the son of a collaborator. Bangahandhu’s daughter
ignored the request and said that she did not care about collaborators; she valued the fact that
they were her relatives. She cited the example of how her father, mother and brothers were
killed by the freedom fighters. She said she was determined to arrange the wedding of her
daughter as planned. Let Dr Wajed do anything he could to prevent it.
Dr. Wajed Mia replied that he would not be able to forcibly prevent the wedding. But he firmly
said that he would not have anything to do with this wedding and refused to attend the functions
The marriage took as planned by Sheikh Hasina. True to his words, Dr. Wajed Miah also did not
attend the functions, such as, formal engagement, turmeric rubbing. etc. Only on the day of the
wedding, did he come to the function with Prime Minister Khaleda Zia and left after a few
minutes. He did not speak to anyone. nor did anybody talk to him at the function.
All arrangements for the marriage were mostly done by us (author and his wife Moyna).
Besides, the son of Bangabandhu's cousin, Bahauddin Nasim at present A P.S. to Prime
Minister was there. He took from us money for payment of the decorator’s bill, cook’s bill,
butler’s tips and other sundry items.
LEAVE AT ONCE
At the wedding ceremony a microphone was placed before the Quazi (Marriage Registrar) for
performing the marriage rituals. All oil a sudden Bangabandhu’s daughter Sheikh Hasina
shouted through the microphone and asked the guests to leave the place. “Is it a fun? Leave
this place at once. Otherwise, there will be a serious consequence’.
The guests and others present were bewildered hearing these utterances from the mouth of
Bangabandhu’s daughter Sheikh Hasina Most of the guests started leaving the ceremony
without understanding anything. Moyna wanted to know from Sheikh Hasina the reason for this
sort of behavior. Her answer was that many people had come without invitation and her words
were meant for them. After this Moyna tried to persuade many invited guests not to leave, but in
vain. Most of the guests left without taking any food.
Wedding ceremony was over. Everybody had left. Only the bridegroom and his relatives were
there. Sheikh Hasina got her daughter Putul seated in the car of the bridegroom and burst into
tears embracing Maina. Sheikh Hasina told her:
“Maina, please don’t go today leaving me alone”.
We along with our 5 year old daughter Swarnalata left the wedding place near the Assembly
building. Accompanying Sheikh Hasina, we went to House - 54 at Road - 5 of Dhanmondi.
Changing the expensive dress worn for the ceremony, Sheikh Hasina sat along with us on the
floor and said — “Maina, I will not be able to pay back the debt in my life for what you have done
today. I shall never forget you. Pointing to our daughter Swrnalata she said that the little girl
“has been very fond of the since the day she was born.”
This was not for the first time. She had said such empty words many times before.
ONE CRORE 37 LAKH TAKA.
January 10, 1995. It was the anniversary of the home-coming of the Father of the Nation
Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibar Rahman. After placing floral wreath on his portrait at
Bangabandhu House, Sheikh Hasina was returning by her red Nissan Patrol Jeep. There was
only one companion seated beside her. Driver Jalal was driving the jeep. Jalal asked Sheikh
Hasina — “Apa (sister), didn’t Mayor Hanif come to place floral wreath”?
Bangabandhu’s daughter replied — “who knows? I have made a number of telephone calls to
him asking him to offer floral wreaths. I have sent a number of people to him. Even then the
unfaithful fellow did not come. The devil does not care at all. I have got this man elected as the
Mayor by spending 1 crore 37 lakh Taka. You all know it; you have seen everything. How much
pain I had to suffer Really once a person leaves the party he should not be given a re-entry. To
become the Mayor he left me treacherously to join Ershad’s party and called him his father.
Being frustrated, when he came back to me I should not have taken this traitor in my Party. I did
not understand that that devil would play so many tricks with me. Had understood. I would not
have done what I did for him”.
LEADER IS NOW SAYING PRAYERS
Sheikh Hasina occupied House No.54, Road No.5 at Dhanmondi towards the end of 1994 and
beginning from January 1995 she started movements, hartals, foot-march, etc. A foot-march
was started at 2 p.m. from Tongi. Everybody would co on foot from Tongi to Mohakhali where a
dais was erected and from where she would deliver her speech Sheik Hasina was seated in her
Nissan Patrol, while all other leaders and workers were walking on loot. Between 5 and7
thousand people were in the loot-march. She was in the middle of the procession in her Jeep.
which maintained a speed keeping pace with the procession. About 20 microphones were
placed in the rickshaws, from which different slogans were being chanted. It was the month of
January — winter time, therefore not very unpleasant to walk. A little after midday suddenly it
was announced through one microphone that the leader Sheikh Hasina was saying Asar prayer.
The announcement was repeated through other microphones. It was quarter past three.
Presidium member Tofail Ahmed (at present Sheikh Hasina’s Industry Minister) said: “it is not
the time for Asar prayer. Announce it a little later.’’
Hearing this all the leaders started laughing. Sheikh Hasina was saying her players keeping
window glasses of the Nissan patrol jeep open, while thousands of people in the foot-march
looked at Sheikh Hasina saying prayer. The prayer ended, but announcement over the
microphones had not stopped. For about an hour 20 microphones continuously announced
Sheikh Hasina’s act of praying.
On another day the foot march would start from Mohammadpur and end at Badda close to the
US Embassy. Sheikh Hasina directed that when prayer time would begin, announcement should
be made only then and not before. This time, the people in charge of the microphones were told
of Sheikh Hasina’s instructions beforehand and on that day announcements were made on
time. Sheikh Hasina as usual said her prayer in the jeep keeping all its windows open, so that
people could see her praying. When Bangabandhu’s daughter came back home at Road No. 5
at Dhanmondi after the foot-march, one of her companions said — “Apa (sister) when you say
prayers people throng to look at you, and this spoils your prayer. You should fix curtains on the
glass windows of the Nissan jeep.”
In reply Sheikh Hasina said-”No, the fixing of curtains will not look well on that expensive
vehicle”.
That companion demurred, “Well Apa (sister), you should keep a long shawl in the jeep. When
you say prayer we should cover the jeep form all sides with the shawl (wrapper), so that no one
can see you saying prayers”.
People’s leader (Sheikh Hasina) said — “No, you all are like my brothers; there will be no need
of a shawl”.
BETRAYAL WITH ME!
Three days after this, foot march was held from Kanchpur bridge to Gulistan. In this march also
there was a repetition of the same announcement, the sane prayer, the same crowd of people
looking at her. Noakhali district Awami League Pesident Md. Hanif joined this foot-march. While
walking by the side of Nissan Patrol of Sheikh Hasina, Md. Hanif said to her, “Leader, my name
-sake is not seen”. The leader asked, “which name-sake?” The district President said —“city
Awami League President and Mayor of Dhaka Hanif is not seen’?”
The party President said angrily: — “You don’t know that son of a bitch has betrayed me. He is
ungrateful. I got him elected as the Mayor by spending I Crore 37 lakh Taka, but he became
unfaithful to me. That fellow now meets Khaleda Zia everyday. He talks with Khaleda Zia over
telephone several times a day; he does not come to me when I call him. He does not receive my
phone call. When time conies, this traitor will be taught a lesson”.
I HAVE EATEN
Sheikh Hasina declared continuous hartal for three days throughout the country. Shops would
not open, offices, courts, mills, factories. school and colleges would not function, wheels of the
vehicles would not move. Hearing the declaration of three day long hartal in advance about half
of Dhaka City dwellers left for their villages and other places. On the first day of the hartal, the
motor pump for lifting water from the underground reserve tank to the overhead tank on the roof
of Sheikh Hasina’s House at Road No. 5 of Dhanniondi, went out of order. On the second day at
about 8 p.m. one motor mechanic named Siraji was brought to the house. Siraji inspected the
motor and said that one-day’s time would be required to repair it and he would take it to his
shop. Permission was given. Motor mechanic Siraji was a staunch supporter of Awani League.
He waited to pay respect (salam) to Sheikh Hasina who had not taken bath for two days due to
the break-down of the motor pump. She had not come downstairs during the whole day. In the
circumstances mechanic Siraji put her in an embarrassing situation by expressing his desire to
pay salam to her. Siraji had taken the trouble to come to the house on foot and he was a worker
of the Awami League. Sheikh Hasina was unwilling to see him. Then she was told that if she
cave an audience to the mechanic, the motor might be repaired quickly.
Bangahandhu’s daughter asked —“Where does he come from?"
"From Dhaka” — reply came.
“Dhakaiya Kotti”?
“Yes, an original Dhakaiya”.
‘‘Well, bring him to the VIP room upstairs, I will see him there”.
Mechanic Siraji came and gave salam to her. Sheikh Hasina asked —‘Where is your home”?
Siraji replied- “At Nawabpur”.
Bangabandhu’s daughter asked him to be seated.
Siraji sat down with great humility. The leader asked — “You work for the Awami League, is it
not?"
Mechanic Siraji said —“From the days of Pakistan, I have been working for the Awami League.’
Sheikh Hasina dragged Mayor Hanif into the conversation and said- “I have made Hanif the
Mayor of Dhaka. But he has betrayed me. You should not spare Hanif. I have spent Taka 1
Crore and 37 lakh on him. But Hanif being ungrateful, has entered into the fold of Khaleda Zia.
At one stage she selected the motor mechanic as the alternative candidate for the Mayor in
place of Hanif in the next election. Even with that her fulminations against the Mayor were not
over.
Sheikh Hasina had given a strict instruction that when any person came to see her, her aides
would take away the person after lapse of some time on some pretext. “I (Sheikh Hasina) have
not so much beauty that I will keep sitting before me someone for hours together. It is not easy
to tell a person that he should leave. So you will manage to take away the visitor on some plea.”
The attendants remembered these instructions of the leader. Siraji was told — “Get up, the
leader will take her dinner.”
Siraji stood up, but Bangabandhu's daughter did not stop speaking. He sat down again. For the
second time he was told- “ It is time for you to leave, leader will have her meals for the night.”
But Bangabandhu’s daughter’s accusations against Mayor Hanif did not end. She kept on
speaking. Mechanic Siraji sat down again. After about ten minutes the mechanic was asked for
the third time.
“Please get up, leader will have her dinner.”
For the attendants Sheikh Hasina gave an interesting piece for information, ‘l have eaten,” said
she.
BIRTH DAY OF BANGABANDHU SHEIKH MUJIB
Towards the end of February, 1995 in the afternoon at Road-32 of Dhanmondi. Sheikh Hasina,
while taking tea said. “This time my father’s birthday should be observed in a grand manner.
The main function will be held at Tungipara. Large number of people will be taken from Dhaka.
A sub-committee will be formed with Obaidul Kader as its chief. And you should render help and
co-operation to him. My father’s 76”’ birthday ceremony should be observed with great style and
pomp.”
In the evening of March 1, 1995 Awami League Central Committee had a meeting at the Awami
Foundation at Road No. 6 of Dhanmondi. A Sub-committee headed by Obaidul Kader (now
Sports and Culture State Minister) was formed and a program for three days was chalked out.
On the 1st day of the program, on the 17 of March, at 7 ant. day’s program would start with
placing floral wreaths at the mazar (graveyard) of the Father of the Nation. Next, at 8 am,
sweets would be distributed among the children by Sheikh Hasina. After this at 3 p.m.
discussions would be held in the playground of Gemadanga High School. Then mock fighting
with sticks would be performed. On the second day of the program on the I 8th of March at 7
O’clock in the evening a cultural show would be held at the Awami League central office in
Dhaka. On the 3rd day at 3 p.m. a public meeting would be held in Bangabandhu Avenue.
For implementing the program all preparations were going on in full swing tinder direct
supervision of Sheikh Hasina. This time there would be some newness in the program at
Tungipara. About five hundred youths would travel from Dhaka to Tungipara. These young-men
would be given one full sleeve white shirt each. On the front pocket of the shirt the word’s "76th
Birthday Ceremony of the Father of the Nation Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman” would be
embroidered.
Sheikh Hasina went to Tungipara on the 15th March to welcome the invited guests. On March
16, 500 young-men from Dhaka would come to Tungipara under the leadership of Obaidul
Kader. Kader could not manage more than 2/3 hundred. Along with them a few more guests
came from Dhaka. They were lodged in Gopalganj Circuit House, Tongipara upazilla court and
office building and other places for the night. Food was provided.
Next day on the 17’ of March at 7 am, the guests and others arrived at the grave of Sheikh
Mujibur Rahman. Pursuant to the earlier decision Obaidul Kader stood in line with about 300
youths clad in full sleeve white shirts. At quarter past 7 am, floral wreaths were placed at the
grave of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman by her daughter Sheikh Hasina. She was followed by the
guests. Then came the turn of the children. But no child other than Swarnala (my daughter) had
come from Dhaka. The children who came from Tongipara village to take sweets, had little
clothes on. Though a few of them had some clothes, these were so tattered that they looked
almost naked. Those children were not allowed to place floral wreaths at the mazar. Swarnalata
was selected as the sole representative of them to offer the floral wreaths at the grave of the
Father of the Nation Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman.
YES, YES, VIDEO WOULD HAVE BEEN NICER
The second item of the program was distribution of sweets among the children by
Bangabandhu’s daughter Sheikh Hasina. At a distance of about thirty or forty feet from the
mazar towards south-west there is a courtyard of another co-sharer of the Sheikh’s house,
where about 300 children were standing. On the west side of this courtyard stands the house of
Sheikh Kabir an uncle of Sheikh Hasina. The porch of this house was to be used as the stage
from where speech would he made. The function was being video recorded.
At 8:30 p.m. Sheikh Hasina in a solemn mood slowly walked to the stage to distribute sweets to
the children. About 300 children present in the ceremony had little clothes on. On the other hand,
hundreds of young men who came form Dhaka were standing in a row wearing new white full-
sleeve shirts. And on the chest pocket of these shirts were written — 76th Birthday Ceremony of
the Father of the Nation Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman”.
The contrast was remarkable. It violated ordinary sense of decency and fairness. On the
occasion of the birthday of Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Raman children of Tongipara
attending the ceremony did not get a piece of new cloth - what a fate for them!
I could not control myself. I severely rebuked Obaidul Kader and told him that “with the
subscription money you along with your followers have managed to buy new shirts for
yourselves. Was it not proper to bring some clothing for these wretched children?’’
As I was upbraiding Obaidul Kader I felt that Sheikh Hasina was annoyed with me. To make the
situation little lighter, I said: “at least it would have been good for video recording”
Sheikh Hasina said with pleasure — “yes, video would have been nicer.”
TELLING LIES TO SHEIKH HASINA
On the 8 of November, 1995 at 3 p.m. Sheikh Hasina was holding a press conference on the
second floor of the Awami League’s office at Bangabandhu Avenue Awami 1.eague had given a
call for an uninterrupted hartal. This was about giving some relaxation of the program. In front of
the office some AL workers clashed with the police. The riot police chased the AL workers.
Some of them ran to the 2nd floor of the office and locked the collapsible gate. The riot police
also came to the second floor beating the political workers. Sheikh Hasina was enraged at the
riot police entering into the office. She asked Nasim to go and ascertain who were the involved
police officers.
Bahauddin Nasim spent some time outside the office and then returned. He said, - "apa (sister),
policemen who came here had taken off their name badges.”
Hearing this Najib Ahmed said — “yes, policemen had removed their rank badges from their
shoulders”. Actually Najib Ahmed did not go downstairs nor did he see the policemen when they
came inside the office. In tact, both he and Nasim told lies. He was trying to show to Sheikh
Hasina that he was also engaged in action i.e. clashes with police. As Nasim already told lies,
he supported Najib’s lies. Sheikh Hasina accepted these lies as truth and asked them to file a
case against the Inspector General of Police. Awami League’s office Secretary Siddiqur
Rahman filed a case in this regard and it has been pending in the court of the Chief Metropolitan
Magistrate.
IMPORTANCE OF AWAMI LEAGUE’S DECISION
In 1995 in the election to the office of the Chairman of Chandpur Pourashava one Jubo League
worker, defying party decision was running against the officially nominated Awami League
candidate. He was elected chairman of the Pourashava. In order to sort out the issue of Party
discipline a meeting of the Awami League Central Committee was held at the Awami
Foundation office. In this meeting presided over Sheikh Hasina, it was decided that the Jubo
League worker should be given an exemplary punishment for breaking party discipline.
Otherwise in the coining parliamentary election some might put themselves up as candidates
defying party decisions. It was unanimously decided that the newly elected chairman of
Chandpur Pourashava should be expelled form the party organization.
Next day in the morning Sheikh Hasina’s cousin, the fourth son of Sheikh Naser, Sheikh Rubel
who is about twenty years old, came to Sheikh Hasina’s house at Road - 5 of Dhanmondi. He
said to Sheikh Hasina, — “Apa (sister), you should welcome the newly elected Chairman of
Chandpur Pourashava with a garland”.
Sheikh Hasina replied — “No. he will be expelled”. “What aie you saying? He has become
chairman by defeating all, you should congratulate him by garlanding. Please call him
immediately and entertain him with sweets,’’ Sheikh Rubel said.
“The AL Central Working Committee had taken a decision last night to expel him from the
party”.
“Hang your working Committee. What do they know? The poor fellow has won — you should
encourage him; instead, you are telling him the opposite. Bara Apa (eldest sister), please send
him felicitation as the Awami League President.”
Sheikh Hasina said — “let me do one thing, first we expel him, and afterwards expulsion will be
withdrawn”. Sheikh Rubel said — “you see, I am asking you to congratulate the chairman right
now and entertain him with sweets”.
Awami League President Sheikh Hasina said — “then, Zillur Rahman (AL General Secretary)
should be told now, otherwise expulsion letter will be issued. May be the letter has already
been dispatched.” Sheikh Hasina telephoned Zillur Rahman and said — “Listen carefully. Don’t
issue the letter of expulsion to the newly elected chairman of Chandpur Pourashava. Hush up
the matter”.
When Sheikh Rubel was leaving, Najib Ahmed another cousin of Sheikh Hasina caught him
downstairs and said — “Rubel, how much money have you taken from the Chairman of
Chandpur Pourashava’? Give me some share”.
Rtmbel: “get away and let me go”.
Najib: “Give me a share — otherwise I will tell Bara Apa (Sheikh flasimta) about it.”
Rubel: “You will get it later, I have not received it yet”.
Najib: “Will you give me the share?”
Rubel: “Yes, I will.”
SPEECH TO KEEP THE PUBLIC CALM
On August 24, 1995 alluring a fourteen year old girl named Yasmin with the promise to escort
her home in Dinajpur, police raped her and left her dead. When the incident became known amid
the news published in the dailies, the people of Dinajpur became agitated. They started taking
out processions and placing demands against the police. Sheikh Hasina called Dinajpur District
Awami League President Abdur Rahim and a few other District level leaders to come to Dhaka
immediately. Advocate Abdur Rahim and four other leaders of Dinajpur held a closed door
meeting with Sheikh Hasina in the library room of Bangabandhu Bhaban at 5 p.m. Sheikh
Hasina instructed them to fuel a movement against the police and create an explosive situation.
Sheikh Hasina advised them to give the movement a non-partisan facade and use it against
Khaleda Zia’s Government. You are not to look to Dhaka for guidance. You should start a
movement from Dinajpur, which will end in Dhaka. Every day you have to organize clashes with
the police. There have to be dead bodies — plenty of them. You may have to kill policemen
also. Whatever money is required, you may take, but you have to implement this program.
There are men in the police who, after getting money, would do the killing. Please contact the
police and pay them money. Remember, if you are successful in these matters, you may then
grab the power. Otherwise you will not be able to take Awami League into power in your whole
life. If you can spread these clashes, along with looting, murders, arson, throughout the country
you achieve your ends and come to power. The killing of Yasmin has created opportunities for
us, and we shall have to seize the opportunity. Mind you, all these will have to be done in a non-
partisan manner. Awami League’s name should not be involved. Don’t jump to the stage. You
are to act from behind. Don’t open your mouth as far as possible in any matter. You should
speak about all the good things on earth. Do whatever mean action is necessary, but say the
finest things. If you can create a major situation in Dinajpur. I will also go there. Do not have any
talk with me there. I shall only give my speech “Have patience, be calm, etc.” But you will
continue your work as instructed. Now you take Tk. 20 Lakh. Depending on the circumstances,
whatever more money is needed will he made available to you there. I want work only. Have
you arranged vehicles for carrying the money? If not, I will make arrangement for it.”
Advocate Abdur Rahim and others took leave of Sheikh Hasina and left Bangabandhu Rhaban
at aborit. 8 p.m.
At Dinajpur people become highly agitated because of offending policemen's attempt to hush up
the matter. Two days later, Advocate Abdur Rahim tried to contact the leader at road 5 of
Dhanmondi over telephone but, as she was not available, he left a message for Sheikh Hasina to
the effect that no news had been received regarding dead body of any police personnel.
However, seven members of the public had been killed by police firing. After Sheikh Hasina
returned to her house, above message was given to her. She then dismissed Special Branch
security guards and immediately went to the house of her uncle Sheikh Hafizur Rahmnan at
Road No. 8 of Dhanmondi and talked with Advocate Abdur Rahim over telephone. Sheikh
Hasina said, “Go ahead like this. Speed it up. You will get whatever money is needed.
Strengthen the agitation . I am coming soon.
Shortly afterwards Bangabandhu’s daughter Sheikh Hasina went to Dinajpur. She exhorted the
people in her speech to remain calm and to have patience. On her return, she commented that the
situation was not as explosive as planned for. In other words, the money spent did not produce a
matching result.
PAPER, PEN, AMMUNITION, EXPLOSIVES AND STRIPPING
December 12, 1994. At the instruction of the Leader of the opposition Sheikh Hasina, Awami
League’s Student front, Bangladesh Student League arranged a large conference at the Shapla
yard in Motijheel. Only a few days earlier, Prime Minister Begun Khaleda Zia had addressed a
large conference of students organized by the BNP’s student front, Nationalist Student Party
(Chatra Dal) at the same Shapla Yard. In this conference the Prime Minister said that BNP’s
student front had enough strength to face the opposition. Sheikh Hasina arranged this
conference as a counter measure.
Sheikh Hasina climbed to the dais at 4:15 p.m. The day’s conference had a special feature. The
Awami League leaders other than the Student League leaders and Sheikh Hasina were not
allowed to take seats on the dais. Awami League leaders were seated at the foot of the dais.
Sheikh Hasina took her seat, surrounded by the Student League leaders. Awami League
leaders were to climb to the dais to speak from there and to resume their seats on the ground
after the speech. The Leader of the Opposition, Sheikh Hasina in her speech made a clarion
call to the students to be attentive to studies and she handed over exercise books and pens to
the Student League leader present at the dais. While handing over paper and pen, photo-
journalists took snaps repeatedly. On the following day in most of the national dailies
photographs of paper and pen handing appeared and Sheikh Hasina’s call to the students to be
attentive to studies became news headlines. But earlier to that on Friday, December 9, 1994 at
3pm, Sheikh Hasina had called nine student League Leaders including Ajoy Kar, Pankaj,
Himangshu Debnath, Jyotirmoy Shaha, Trivedy Bhoumik and Alam in the library room of
Bangabandhu Bhaban at Road-32 of Dhanmondi and gave them Tk. 1 lac to buy ammunition
and explosives which would be needed in the ensuing movement.
She said to them: “after our resignation from the Parliament on 28th December, you will create
unprecedented terror in the whole country including Dhaka. Until the fall of Khaleda Zia’s
Government, you are to kill 5/10 persons every day. Otherwise Khaleda Zia will not fall. You will
get whatever money is needed for this purpose. There is no dearth of money. You should build
up a large stock of ammunitions and explosives. But you will not keep these in the University
campus. If police raid is made in Dhaka University, all the ammunitions and explosives will be
lost. Keep all these in safe places outside the University. You will discharge another
responsibility seriously. There are government quarters on the western side of Eden College
and Eskaton Garden where Secretaries and Deputy Secretaries live. They attend offices
walking on foot during the hartals declared by me. In future, when I declare hartal, you will
gather around their houses. When they go to the office on foot you will take away their clothes
and make them naked in the street.
Student League leaders told — “please divide us into two groups. One group will be in charge of
ammunition and explosives and the other will he responsible for making the secretaries naked”.
Sheikh Hasina then entrusted Alam with the responsibility of disrobing the Secretaries.
After this many hartals passed away but secretaries could not be made naked. In spite of
repeated reminders to Alam who was given the responsibility to remove the clothes of the
Secretaries on behalf of Sheikh Hasina, no secretary was made naked. Then Sheikh Hasina
started giving this responsibility virtually to all and sundry. Even after that Secretaries could not
be made naked. Sheikh Hasina became extremely angry and gave twenty thousand taka to
Alam and said, “now I give taka twenty thousand. Another sum of thirty thousand taka will be
given after Secretaries are stripped off their clothes. You are to do this in the next hartal day. If
you fail, the entire amount will have to be returned.”
On the next hartal day, Alam made a certain person naked at Doel Yard of Dhaka University
and this message of success was given to Sheikh Hasina at her house at Road No .5 of
Dhanmondi. Highly pleased, Sheikh Hasina sent for Alam to her house for taking sweets. But by
then Alam was caught by the police. On the following day in all newspapers of the country this
news of forced striptease with photographs was published with headlines. Later, it was learnt
that the victim of stripping was not a Secretary, but an ordinary citizen of Bangladesh - a poor
and simple member of the public.
PROPOSAL TO ARMY CHIEF GENERAL NASIM TO SEIZE POWER
Movements and agitation were of little avail against Prime Minister Khaleda Zia. It seemed that
she was going to be the Leader of the 6th parliament through unilateral election of 15 February
and would form the Government for the second time.
When election to the 6th Parliament, formation of Government by BNP and Khaleda Zia’s
becoming the Prime Minister again could not be resisted in any way, Sheikh Hasina held a
secret discussion with Col Tarek Siddiqui, elder brother-in-law of Sheikh Rehana. (He was
promoted to the rank of Brigadier by Sheikh Hasina immediately after she became the Prime
Minister and he was made her Military Secretary). On 17th January, 1996 in the evening from
the house of sister-in-law of Sheikh Rehana at Gulshan, and through Tarek Siddiqui she sent a
proposal to the Army Chief Lt. General Abu Saleh Mohammad Nasim, Bir Bikarm to seize power
by ousting Khleda Zia’s Government through a Military coup. In 1982, Sheikh Hasina invited the
then Army Chief Lt. General H. M. Ershad to topple BNP Government and gave him assurances
of help and co-operation. In the same manner in mid January, 1996 Sheikh Hasina gave
assurances of help, cooperation to General Nasim to capture power. But this time Army Chief
General Nasim, did not respond to the offer of Sheikh Hasina. He sent her a reply that he was a
professional soldier. If there was a political crisis in the country the politicians should face and
solve it politically. Army could not get involved in this crisis and thus create a fresh round of
crisis.
Sheikh Hasina became highly disappointed and remarked that the country unfit for living. It is
not possible to stay here.
I WANT DEAD BODIES OF POLICE, DEAD BODIES OF THE MILITARY
It was the 10th of February, 1996, time — 9 am. Sheikh Hasina was holding an urgent and
secret meeting with 11 student leaders including Student League President Enamul Haque
Shamim, General Secretary Ishaque Ali Panna, Shamim Osman of Narayanganj (now Awami
League M. P.), Ajoy Kar, Pankaj, Niranjan Shaha, Dipankar, Ashim and Sadan Das in the VIP
drawing room of House No. 54 of Road No. 5 of Dhanmondi
On February 15, Prime Minister Begum Khaleda Zia was going to hold Parliamentary Election.
She had made a unilateral declaration to this effect Sheikh Hasina would resist this election with
all her might. So, on that day i.e. 10th February at 3 p.m. there would be a meeting at
Panthapath followed by a procession towards the residence of Prime Minister Begum Khaleda
Zia. Sheikh Hasina was holding this meeting in connection with the program of agitation and
procession. Sheikh Hasina looked very worried and pale. No body was saying anything. She
was also not talking. Every body was sitting in silence. It seems a defeated Queen was sitting
with her beaten soldiers after loosing her kingdom. Suddenly in a choked voice and with tears in
her eyes Sheikh Hasina said, “today not a single brother of mine is alive. If I had only one
brother who was alive, he would have complied with my instructions to implement our program.
Can you not be my brothers? I got my lost brothers in you. If you consider me as your sister and
if you are really my lost brothers, then you should be prepared in these hard days to implement
difficult programs.
You now take an oath of allegiance to me. Saying this Sheikh Hasina administered oath to all
present. Sheikh Hasina uttered in the oath “We make a solemn oath that we shall not hesitate to
sacrifice our lives to implement a program of any nature. And we make solemn commitment that
we shall obey command of urn leader Sheikh Hasina at the cost of our lives, even if the orders
are extremely difficult’’.
Alter reading out the oath, Bangabandhu’s daughter Sheikh Hasina said —‘Today I want ten
dead bodies of police, five dead bodies of the army personnel’.
Asking for dead bodies of police was not new to Sheikh Hasina. In the past she had wanted
dead bodies of the police many a time. However, the element of drama that was enacted today
was absent previously. Those present could understand these words. But nobody took them
seriously and as such her instructions were not obeyed. For that reason, on 10th February,
1996. Sheikh Hasina wanted 10 dead bodies of police and 5 dead bodies of military personnel
and extracted a commitment from the workers to this effect under oath in a ritualistic
atmosphere. Sheikh Hasina’s cousin Abul Hasanat Abdullah (Son of Abdur Rob Serniahat) now
Chief Whip of National Assembly entered the room with a briefcase in his band. Sheikh Hasina
opened the briefcase and threw ten bundles of Tk.500.00 notes i.e Taka 5 Lacs to the student
leaders and told - “Take this, go and hit the targets.
Sheik Hasina left her house at road 5 of Dhanmondi at 3:30pm and arrived at the meeting in
Panthapath. About 3 thousand people had gathered. Alter the speeches of three or four leaders,
Sheikh Hasina came to the rostrum. At the outset she declared-We shall go to the residence of
Prime Minister Khaleda Zia in a procession. All of you shall take part in the procession.”
No sooner had she uttered these words, than the sounds of explosions and gunshots were
heard from all sides. In a moment the assembled crowd started running for their lives without
understanding anything. Leaders on the dais jumped from the rostrum and ran in all directions.
With much difficulty Sheikh Hasina was rescued and taken to 32 Dhanmondi. In the competition
of fleeing a leader was as smart as the other. It so happened that when Sheikh Hasina was a
little slow in leaving the rostrum, one leader (now Minister) pushed her (Sheikh Hasina) down to
the ground and fled with all the speed he could muster.
The program of the meeting and procession towards Prime Minister’s residence was aborted.
Afterwards, because of mass disturbances police stopped traffic in Sonargaon Road,
Panthapath, Green Road. etc. and as a result 2 double-decker buses, 5 private cars, 4 auto
rickshaws, etc. caught in traffic jam on Kalabagan Road and one Petrol pump at Sukrabad in
front of Road 32 were set on fire by the staff of Bangabandhu Bhaban at the instructions of
Sheikh Hasina. Bangabandhu’s daughter Sheikh Hasina herself set fire to a scooter (baby-taxi)
near Road 32 of Dhanmondi.
THE TRAITOR IS COMING
Since Begum Kbaleda Zia’s BNP could not make sufficient number of voters come to the polling
centres on the 15th February election day. People in the Political quarters, administration and
others who had so long supported the government started opposing BNP openly.
On Saturday, the 17th of February, 1996 at about 3 p.m., the telephone no. 868779 of Sheikh
Hasina on the first floor of the house at Road 5 at Dhaninondi started ringing. The telephone
was picked up. A voice at the other end said: “I am Hanif.’’
‘Which Hanif?’’
‘I am the Mayor of Dhaka.’’
‘‘Assalamu-alaikum, Hanif Bhai. Is it really you!"
"Yes, I am.”
"Who are you?"
‘‘I ....."
‘O! Are you alright brother?’
‘Yes, I am.’
‘I wanted to talk to the Leader. I was sick for a long time and so couldn’t talk to her. Can I get to
her over phone’?’
‘Please hold on. Let me see where the Leader is.’
Bangabandhu’s daughter was washing her hands after eating her lunch. ‘Apa, the Mayor is on
the line,’ she was told.
Wiping her hands the Leader proceeded towards the phone, “Is not that Brother Mahiuddin’?”
(Mayor of Chittagong City Corporation).
“No. It’s the Mayor of Dhaka.” Hearing this Bangabandhu’s daughter Sheikh Hasina halted and
murmured. “The traitor!” She stood there for a while and thought about something deeply.
Perhaps she was thinking whether she would talk to hint at all. However she walked slowly and
picked up the receiver.
“Hello. No, no, not here. You come to 32. (32 means Bangabandhu Bhaban at Road No. 32,
Dhanmondi). Let us discuss things sitting at the sacred place. Yes, come at once. Yes, I will
wait for you there.
Bangabandhu’s daughter Sheikh Hasina put down the phone and said, "ome, let’s go to 32. The
traitor is coming.”
We went to the Bangabandhu House at Dhanmondi.
Sheikh Hasina started strolling in front of the gate of the Bangabandhu Bhaban while waiting for
Mohammad Hanif. After about 20 minutes the Mayor arrived in a jeep flying the national flag.
Sheikh Hasina went forward and opened the door of the Mayor’s jeep. She then said: “here is
the future Local Government (LGRD) Minister. Can the Mayor of Dhaka go without the LGRD
Ministry’? You are the Minister for LGRD. As the Mayor descended from the jeep she introduced
him to those who were present as the future LGRD Minister. Hearing this from the mouth of
Sheikh Hasina, Mayor Hanif was beside himself with joy and said, "whatever the Leader
pleases.”
THE HERO, THE MINISTER AND THE PEOPLE’S STAGE
Sheikh Hasina led Mayor Hanif to the office room in Bangabandhu Bhaban and asked for some
sweets to be bought in. “Treat Hanif Bhai with sweets.”
While taking sweets she said, Bangabandbu was the Great Hero, and you are also a hero. Can
we do without a hero? The whole country, the whole nation is now casting its eyes on the hero,
on you. The people Dhaka are looking towards you. I have brought the whole thing upto this
point; now it is your turn to finish it off. Everything depends on you. Could my father become the
father of the Nation if you all did not help or cooperate with him in those days? It’s you the
people of Dhaka who made him the father of the Nation? I am his daughter. If you do not help
me, how can I be great. My brothers are not alive. You are my brother. I am your sister. Please
cooperate with me. I shall never forget you. I shall not proceed without you.
Mayor Hanif said; “Yes, Leader, give me one month’s time. I will dislodge Khaleda Zia.”
Sheikh Hasina said. “no, one month’s time can’t he given. (It has to be sooner).
It was decided that a permanent stage would he set up in front of the Press Club from where
movement would be continued round the clock till the fall of Khaleda Zia.
Later on, drama artist and TV news caster Ramendo Majumder and drama artist Pijush
Bandopadbaya named this stage the People’s Platform (Janater Mancho).
Everyday songs, music, speeches and poetry recitations were rendered on a huge stage
constructed in the middle of the road totally blocking the Topkhana road from East to West and
to the north of the Secretariat. It closed the road from the Paltan turning to the Supreme Court
building. At one stage a few officers and staff of the Secretariat joined this Mancho. All these
were happening under the leadership of Dhaka’s Mayor Mobammad Hanif whom
Bangabandhu’s daughter Sheikh Hasina called the hero and the future LGRD Minister.
WE HAVE A PICNIC TODAY
Meanwhile, for amending the constitution for the purpose of providing for a caretaker
Government which would conduct a free election, Khaleda Zia called the session of the Seventh
National Parliament for a day with the parliament members who had been elected in the
uncontested election of 15th February (due to the boycott of election by Awami League). This
she did under pressure from the foreign donor countries, specially the USA. The session of the
Seventh National Parliament began for a day at 10 AM on March 25, 1996, under the leadership
of Begum Khaleda Zia. This Seventh National Parliament was in session for amending the
constitution in order to hold fresh election under a caretaker government Begum Khaleda Zia
joined the session of the parliament at 10 O’clock in the morning. She was still there till reports
last came in at the dead of night.
The following day was 26th March, the Independence Day. Bangabandhu’s daughter Sheikh
Hasina started from Road No. 5, Dhanmondi at quarter to seven in the morning for laying floral
wreath at the National Mausoleum at Savar. While going to the Mausoleum in her red Nissan
Patrol (registered in the name of her paid employee, a bag carrier, Ram Mohan Das) she said:
Golapi (one whose skin has the colour of the rose) is still sitting in the parliament. You woman
(Khaleda Zia). what job do you have now in the parliament that you are still sitting there?
One of the fellow passengers said, ”she is there to display her beauty.”
Bangabandhu’s daughter said, “Golapi (Khaleda Zia) exhibited her beauty sitting in the
parliament during the whole day and whole night.” She did not like that Khaleda Zia would be
sitting till the morning. Does it take 24 hours to bring about the amendment in the constitution,
she wondered.
Having arrived at the National Mausoleum Sheikh Hasina said, “Golapi (Prime Minister Khaleda
Zia) has not yet come. Today I shall be the first to lay the wreath.”
After laying the wreath at the Mausoleum Sheikh Hasina took the Kaliakoir - Gazipur road from
Savar instead of proceeding towards Dhaka. She entered a place with a large area protected by
barbed wire fencing near Ganakbari. There was a small bungalow type house amidst a lot of
trees. She sat in that house and said, “you take the ‘biriani’ (a kind of pilau rice) out of the car. I
will spend the whole day here. Today we have a picnic.”
Biriani’ was ordered in the previous night at the Haji Biriani shop at Kazi Alauddin Road in old
Dhaka. Before starting from Dhaka for the Mausoleum the ‘biriani’, plates, glasses etc. were put
in a microbus. All these stuff were brought out from the microbus. The food was eaten amidst
merriment punctuated by comments such as, “Golapi (Khaleda Zia) is still sitting in the
parliament;” “Golapi has exhibited her beauty sitting there in the parliament.” There were other
comments of the same standard.
MEETING BETWEEN SHEIKH HASINA AND GENERAL NASIM
The Seventh Parliament sat for a day under the leadership of Begum Khaleda Zia and amended
the constitution, making provisions for election under a caretaker Government. After that the
Seventh National Parliament was declared dissolved, and announcement was made fixing the
following 12th June 1996, as the date for election to the Eighth National Parliament. A caretaker
government was formed with the former Chief Justice of the Supreme Court Justice Muhammad
Habibur Rahman as its head.
Sheikh Hasina sent a proposal to the Army Chief Lt. General Abu Saleh Muhammad Nasim for
a discussion. This proposal was sent through the former Army Chief (during Ershad’s regime)
Lt. General (Rtd.) Nuruddin Khan (now Sheikh Hasina’s Minister) and Maj. General (Rtd.) Salam
(now M.P. from Awami League and Chairman of the Red Crescent). Pursuant to this proposal
the drama artist Lutfunnahar Lata (now residing in America) and her husband Major (Rtd.) Nasir
arranged a meeting between the Army Chief General Nasim and Sheikh Hasina. The face to
face meeting between Sheikh Hasina and the Army Chief was held at the apartment of the artist
Lata and her husband in the four storied building with ceramic tiles facing named “Kulsum Villa”
located at 117, Banani, Block-E, Road-4. In this meeting Bangabandhu’s daughter Sheikh
Hasina sought the assistance of the Army Chief General Nasim and his forces in the election of
12th June next. In reply, the Army Chief General Nasim gave full assurance of all help and
cooperation and said, if you (Sheikh Hasina) so desire, the armed forces would work at your
command from now onwards.
While replying to this, Bangabandhu’s daughter Sheikh Hasina said, if this is true then in future I
shall also abide by your instructions.
From then on, the Army Chief Lt. General Abu Saleh Muhammad Nasim B.B. started running
the affairs of the Army on the suggestions and instructions from Sheikh Hasina.
THE HINDUS VOTE FOR THE BOAT
Various political parties nominated their candidates to contest in the election on 12th June 1996.
The Awami League also gave nominations. In the three seats of Gopalganj and two seats of
Bagerhat nearly sixty five percent of the total voters belonged to the Hindu community.
Naturally in these five seats no candidate with any symbol other than boat, the traditional Awami
League symbol, had any chance to win. In fact, never in the past anyone from any other Party
could win nor will win in future. In the five seats of (1) Moksedpur and Kashiani, (2) Gopalganj
and Kashiani, (3) Tungipara and Kotalipara, (4) Mollarhat and Fakirhat, (5) Baithaghata and
Dacope, the Awami League candidate with the election symbol of boat will continue winning as
long as sixty five percent of the total population remain Hindu. The candidates for these five
seats do not need to do anything in their areas. Someone, whoever he may be and who by any
means gets the Awami League ticket will secure 75% of the votes.
These five seats are called the gift seats. Whoever gets one of these gifts from Sheikh Hasina
would become the representative or Member of the Parliament from this region. When an
illiterate old Hindu of this region was asked why he had voted for Awami League, his reply was:
“We do not understand what Awami League is or for that matter any other League. We vote for
the boat, the Awami League’s election symbol”.
When asked why he had voted for boat, he said, “Why shouldn’t I vote for boat? Boat is the
carriage of the goddess. Mother goddess Durga came to the earth from paradise in this carriage
(boat) to contain Asur (the evil). In that case, it will be dishonoring the carriage of the goddess if
we do not vote for boat, Mother Durga will curse us. That’s why haven’t you noticed that at the
time of vote we go and cast our vote for the symbol boat chanting ‘mother Durga’ ‘mother
Durga’ just to please the Mother goddess Durga. Not a single one of us has defaulted in that. If
we do not cast our vote for the boat, Mother Durga will be displeased. It will be very bad for us.
That’s why, regardless of the urgency of any other call on the election day, we will somehow
manage to go to the polling centre and vote for the symbol of boat.
SELLING THE SEAT TO A RAZAKAR
Sheikh Hasina herself ran from three out of the five seats in this region. In another seat her
cousin (through her aunt) Sheikh Selim was the contestant. And for the remaining constituency
of Moksedpur-Kashiani Bangahandhu’s daughter Sheikh Hasina on several occasions gave her
word of honour. She gave it voluntarily on her own accord.
She gave the author various types of assignments and at the end of each task she said, “I will
make you the MP from Moksedpur-Kashiani.” On several occasions she said the same thing to
the author’s wife Maina also. “I can never repay the debt for what you have done, and have
been doing for me. I can never forget you. I will make Rentu (Matiur Rahman Rentu) MP from
Moksedpur-Kashiani.”
But no, Bangabandhu’s daughter Sheikh Hasina did not keep her word. She made promises but
acted otherwise. She broke the promise, although in her speeches she said on numerous
occasions about Begum Zia: “Allah does not like those who break promises”. But why Matiur
Rahman Rentu alone? Sheikh Hasina did not nominate Ismat Kadir Gama, a former student
leader who is also a dedicated and honest person, Abul Hassan or Mukul Bose from Moksedpur
-Kashiani. She nominated such a person against whom there are charges of armed
collaboration (an armed Razakar during the war of liberation). It is said that during the War of
Liberation in 1971 Lt. Col. Faruque became an armed Razakar. He set up a Razakar camp in
his house, and burnt down many homesteads in that area with the help of the Pakistani army.
He (Lt. CoL Faruque) is a distant nephew of the famous Muslim League leader Salam Khan.
After the liberation of Bangladesh he had tied away from his home fearing reprisals. Later,
perhaps in 1972/73, he joined the Bangladesh Army at Jessore. He served in the army for a
period between twenty and twenty five years and got a posting in the Army Supply Corps
endearing himself to General Ershad. He made lots of money. Matiur Rahman Rentu, Ismat
Kadir Gama, Abul Hassan, Mukul Bose are all Freedom Fighters. Ignoring all these Freedom
Fighters and dedicated people, Bangabandhu’s daughter Sheikh Hasina gave nomination to Lt.
Col. Faruk Khan, a Razakar of 1971 who had just gone on LPR (Leave Preparatory to
Retirement). But why? Lt. Col. Faruk Khan gave Tk. one crore to Bangabandhu’s daughter out
of his ill-gotten money during his career in the army supply corps. Sheikh Hasina sold out the
Moksedpur-Kashiani seat to a Razakar in consideration of taka one crore in cash.
HINDUS ARE MY STRENGTH AND HOPE
The day when Bangabandhu’s daughter Sheikh Hasina announced the nomination of Awami
League, she declared that she herself would be contesting in the election from four seats. One
in Gopalganj, two in Bagerhat and one in Demra of Dhaka. But on the day following this
declaration, she withdrew her candidature from Demra. A few leaders led by the Mayor of
Dhaka, Muhammad Hanif made a request to her saying: you are contesting from three seats of
Gopalganj and Bagerhat (Tungipara, the other side of river Madhumati), whereas you are not
contesting from a single seat in Dhaka. Khaleda Zia is contesting from five seats; you should
also contest from five. You are our leader. Please contest at least from two seats in Dhaka.
In reply Sheikh Hasina said, “Gopalganj and Bagerhat have 70% Hindu population. What’s the
percentage of Hindus in Dhaka? The Muslims do not vote for me. Muslims are unfaithful and
ungrateful. The Hindus are loyal. I can rely on the Hindus and trust them. But I can’t trust the
Muslims. Nor can I rely on them. That’s why I can contest from three seats in 70% Hindu
dominated areas of Gopalganj and Bagerhat, but not even from one seat in Dhaka. Though I
had decided to stand from Dhaka, I had to withdraw my nomination after I made queries and
came to know that there are not many Hindus in Demra.” Mayor of Dhaka Hanif said, that the
idea was wrong. If the Muslims did not vote Awami League, how could its candidates win?
Bangabandhu’s daughter said, basically Awami League had the entire vote bank of the Hindus;
the rest is made up by the relatives and sundry groups pressurized to vote in our favour. Had
there been no Hindus, my party could not win even in a single seat. I have clinched this
caretaker government after so much of movements and fights only to ensure that the Hindus
could cast their votes safely and peacefully. Hindus are my strength. Hindus are my hope.
The election campaign was progressing fast. Posters, placards, festoons, banners and wall
writings were everywhere. There was hardly any empty spot. Meetings and processions were
going on all the time.
SHE FLEES AWAY AFTER ORDERING DEPLOYMENT OF THE ARMY
In the last week of April, 1996, Army Chief General Nasim sent a message through the drama
artist Lutfunnahar Lata to Sheikh Hasina that all authority relating to the armed forces was
vested in the President through the constitutional amendment that had been made in the non
stop session of the Seventh Parliament that lasted for more than 24 hours on 25th March, 1996.
In other words, all authority over the armed forces rested with the present President Abdur
Rahman Biswas of BNP. Hearing this news Sheikh Hasina said, “I see. That is why Khaleda Zia
was sitting in the Parliament throughout the whole day and night. She was doing this mischief. I
did not realise this earlier, nor did I think about it.”
Then Bangabandhu’s daughter Sheikh Hasina got excited and said, what constitution? What
amendment? General Nasim shall have to do what I ask him to do. He has given me his word of
honour that he would run the army in the manner as I ask. Lata (Lutfunnahar Lata), you go and
tell the Army Chief General Nasim to do whatever I ask him to do and the way I want him to do.
Rest of the responsibilities are mine and I shall manage them.
According to the constitution, the entire authority and responsibility regarding the armed forces
lay with President Abdur Rahman Biswas. But the Army Chief General Nasim B.B. started
running the army everyday every moment on the instructions of Bangabandhu’s daughter
Sheikh Hasina. Crisis cropped up inside the army owing to dual command. If President Rahman
Biswas (supreme commander of the forces) gave any order to the Army Chief General Nasim
would give counter order on the instruction of Sheikh Hasina. If President Rahman Biswas
ordered the transfer of a senior army officer, General Nasim would give a counter order on the
instruction of Sheikh Hasina. The crisis within the armed forces deepened further and was
heading for a conflict. In the circumstances, President Abdur Rahman Biswas compulsorily
retired Maj. General Ghulam Helal Morshed Khan GOC, Bogra cantonment, and the Deputy
Director General of BDR Brigadier Miran Hamidur Rahman. (One of those retired senior army
officers was a relation of Sheikh Hasina’s cousin Sheikh Helal). When as a counter measure,
Bangabandhu’s daughter Sheikh Hasina advised the retirement of four senior Army officers, the
army Chief General Nasim passed orders for the retirement of these senior army officers. (Maj.
General Muhammad Abdul Matin, Maj. General Subid Ali Bhuiyan, Brigadier Abdur Rahim and
Cot. Abdus Salam). As a result, the conflict reached its peak. When President Abdur Rahman
Biswas, who was constitutionally in full authority over the aimed forces, decided to retire the
Army Chief General Nasim, Bangabandhu’s daughter Sheikh Hasina instructed the latter on
19th May, 1996, to pass order for marching the army in his support from all over the country to
Dhaka. The Army chief General Nasim accordingly ordered all units to march towards Dhaka
after 2 O’clock on the night of 19th May, that is in the morning of the 20th May.
A few hours later at 8 A.M. on 20th May, Sheikh Hasina surreptitiously left Dhaka for Cox’s Bazar
by a private airline named Aero Bengal without informing the Army Chief General Nasim. The
army units from Bogra, Rangpur, Jessore and Mymensingh cantonments started marching
towards Dhaka. On the order of the Army Chief, Brigadier Zillur Rahman, Commander of
Mymensingh Brigade and Brigadier Shafi Mehboob, Commander of Bogra Brigade provided the
main leadership to the army units coming from outside Dhaka. In the circumstances President
Abdur Rahman Biswas dismissed the Army Chief General Nasiin and appointed Maj. General
Mahbubur Rahman the new Army Chief and promoted him to the rank of Lt. General. General
Nasim continued claiming himself as the Army Chief defying his dismissal order and the
appointment of General Mahbubur Rahman as the new Army Chief. He tried repeatedly to
establish contact with Bangabandhu's daughter Sheikh Hasina for next instructions but failed.
Sheikh Hasina, on the other hand, having reached Cox’s Bazar by Aero Bengal, owned by Dr.
lqbal, - now an M.P. from Awami League and a business partner of the Sheikh family — was
gazing at the sea and watching sea waves sitting in the Circuit House (the Circuit House is at
the top of the hill) of Cox’s Bazar. And while taking a cup of tea, she was sipping a little bit of
phensydyl every now and then.
She had however, never taken phensydyl before. When she lost the election of 1991 and
moved to the official residence at No. 29 Minto Road as the Leader of the Opposition, she would
always suffer from cough, cold and sleeplessness. Her nose was running all the time. She
would have a headache and could not sleep because of tension. In particular, her voice would
break down when she delivered a speech. This was the greatest problem. She swallowed
hundreds of bottles of homeopathic medicines given by Dr. S. A. Malek (her political advisor).
These had no effect. Sometimes, juice of ‘Tulsi’ leaves and ‘Jaishti Madhu’ (juice of a particular
bark that tastes like honey: translator) would also be taken along with homeopathic medicines.
But nothing worked. One day Dr. Malek brought a bottle of Indian Phensydyl and said to
Bangabandhu’s daughter, “ Leader, take two spoonfuls of this medicine three times a day. You
will see that your cold and irritating coughs are gone. There will be no problem with your voice
and headache will also disappear. You will have good sleep at night.”
Someone said, “oh, no’ Apa, this is phensydyl. People who take this get addicted to it. It is an
intoxicant. Brother Malek, what is this that you have brought’?”
Dr. S. A. Malek said, “This medicine was there in our country. We prescribed it so many times. It
is very effective and a good medicine. It was banned during Ershad’s regime for no particular
reason. Leader, take this. If your troubles are not over then tell me.”
This happened during early 1992. She started taking two spoonfuls of it three times a day. On
those days when there were meetings and conferences or she had to make speeches, she took
five to six spoonfuls of it three to four times a day. This used to be taken to the place of the
meeting. She would even carry it to the place of the meeting. She would take it there mixing it
with tea for keeping the voice in order till the last moment before making a speech. She took it
even in the midst of making a speech if it was to be a long one.
Thus the Leader took phensydyl every day regularly. Later, she could not give it up. Whenever
she stopped taking phensydyl, her old ailments such as, cold, throat itching, voice breakdown
during speeches, sleeplessness came back. So Dr. S. A. Malek continued giving phensydyl to
Sheikh Hasina regularly and the Leader too would take it.
In order to draw her attention, Bangabandhu’s daughter Sheikh Hasina was asked, Apa, what’s
the news about Dhaka?
The leader replied in a poetical tone, none can beat the other, it is a game of equals. Then she
added, I have started it, now anything may happen.
The leader had a number of street corner meetings to address on a certain day. She had to
keep her throat clear. The situation in Dhaka had become tense. So she took a bit more of
phensydyl. The meeting at Cox’s Bazar started at 11 AM. About that time the news came that
the situation in Dhaka had worsened. It was not clear as to who was controlling Dhaka
cantonment because of the conflict between President Rahman Biswas and General Nasim.
But, that Savar and Gazipur cantonments were with President Biswas was clear from the fact
that the army units from Savar cantonment had taken position at Aricha Ghat on the order of the
GOC, 9th Division Maj. General Imamuzzaman to oppose the troops coming towards Dhaka
from Jessore, Rangpur, Bogra and Mymensingh cantonments as directed by General Nasim.
These soldiers stopped the ferry operation and warned through wireless that the troops waiting
to cross the river at Daulatdia and Nagarbari Ghats would be drowned if they tried to cross the
river. On the other side, the troops at Gazipur stopped the units coming from Mymensingh by
putting barricades on the road. The situation at the cantonments of Comilla, Chittagong and
Bandarban could not be ascertained. Meanwhile Sheikh Hasina had already addressed seven
street corner meetings. News came that tanks were moving on the streets of Dhaka. But for
whom was that movement? Who had won the battle? General Nasim? Or President Rahman
Biswas’? This could not be known. In the circumstances Sheikh Hasina cancelled the street
corner programs and became nervous with the thought as to where she would flee. Some
suggested that she should go to Teknaf, some mentioned Bandarban. There were still some
others who suggested Chittagong.
The present Awami League M.P. from Bandarban, Bir Bahadur, started for Bandarban with
Bangabandhu’s daughter Sheikh Hasina. On the way, Mayor Mohiuddin of Chittagong City
Corporation, Sheikh Hasina’s present Labour Minister Mannan and Aviation Minister Engineer
Mosharraf Hossain met Sheikh Hasina and took her to Chittagong Circuit House.
Sheikh Hasina along with Mayor Mohiuddin, who was the President, city Awami League, the
Labour Minister Mannan, central leader Advocate Sahara Khatun, central leader Dr. Mostafa
Mahiuddin Jalal and others were watching television sitting in the VVIP Room of Chittagong
Circuit House. Bangabandhu's daughter was totally silent about the action to be taken at this
critical moment, as if there was nothing to be done other than watching TV. She became quiet
after making a phone call to Dhaka asking Sheikh Rehana to leave the house and stay
somewhere else. Advocate Sahara Khatun asked, “Leader, what should we do now?”
The Leader hesitated to reply. The author, the companion of the Leader who had come from
Dhaka said, “we should now take out a procession in support of General Nasim.”
Advocate Sahara Khatun inquired: “why such a procession?”
“General Nasim is the opponent of BNP President Rahman Biswas. That is why a procession
should be taken out. There would be check and balance in the Army if General Nasim stays as
the Army chief. General Nasim’s fall would mean the establishment of the sole authority of
President Rahman Biswas of BNP over the Army. This would have impact on the election on
June 12th"
“O.K. Bring out a procession in support of Nasim,” said Sheikh Hasina and so saying she went
to her bedroom. Mayor of Chittagong Mahiuddin and AL President Mannan refused to bring out
a procession. When they were pressed to do so, they said, where shall we get the people now
and what will be the slogan in the procession?
The author said, “It is better than doing nothing. We must go to power after 12 June election.
The protest must be there even if Nasim does not last. You take out a procession. In the
procession raise the slogans: General Nasim Zindabad (Long Live General Nasim). Down with
Rahman Biswas.”
At this stage Mahiuddin and Mannan left and paraded round the Circuit House with a procession
of some people.
President Abdur Rahman Biswas gave a speech on TV. Hearing the speech Sheikh Hasina
said, where is the Caretaker Government? Where is Habibur Rahman? Sitting in the Parliament
for 24 hours Khaleda Zia has amended the constitution in such a manner that power has
actually remained in their hands. We could not understand anything of it.
Sheikh Hasina again went back to the bedroom. The author telephoned Dhaka and said to his
wife, “you go to the Awami League office and to the houses of the Awami League leaders and
workers. Tell them that the President of the Party Sheikh Hasina has asked them to bring out
processions in which the slogans would be ‘General Nasim Zindabad’, ‘Down with Rahman
Biswas’.
Suddenly I heard Sheikh Hasina’s voice on the telephone, which had a connection with a set
kept in the bed room.
She muttered “Hei, Hei.” Then nothing was heard. Obviously, the leader had lifted the receiver
in the bedroom and was eavesdropping.
The Leader listened to the speech of the Chief of the Caretaker Government and again went
back to the bedroom. When Najib and Bahauddin Nasim suggested to her to leave the Circuit
House and go somewhere, she said, “Where shall I go? You better wait and see what happens.”
So saying she drank half a bottle of phensydyl and hit the bed.
At midnight it was clear that General Nasim had lost the battle.
In the morning Sheikh Hasina said, “It is good that Nasim has lost. I had told him to seize power
in the month of February but he showed his pride at that time. He is rightly served.”
Bangabandhu’s daughter Sheikh Hasina returned to Dhaka from Chittagong by the 9 o’clock
flight in the morning. The army chief General Nasim was dismissed and arrested. Since then
Bangabandhu’s daughter Sheikh Hasina has never uttered the name of General Nasim.
ABU HENA’S ARRIVAL
It was June 12, 1996. Parliamentary election was held setting an unprecedented example.
People irrespective of sex spontaneously went to the polling centers and cast their votes.
Election results started being announced on Bangladesh television after dusk. In the beginning
it appeared that Awami League had a good lead. After 10 p.m. however it was seen that BNP
was leading steadily.
Sheikh Hasina and all others present felt very glad at the election results declared at the early
stage. But they began getting worried at the results that came out after 10 p.m.
After midnight Bangabandhu's daughter asked everyone present in her house to leave saying
that there could be an attack on her. Sheikh Hasina’s house at Road No. 5 of Dhanmondi
became quiet after everyone had left. At about I o’clock at night the Chief Election
Commissioner, Abu Hena accompanied by another person came to Sheikh Hasina’s house and
for about an hour they had a secret session.
GOVERNMENT BY CONSENSUS
After the final results of the election were announced, it appeared that Awami League had got
more seats than any other party. But Bangabandhu’s daughter calculated that if BNP, Jatiyo
Party, Jamaat and ISD (Rab) formed a coalition, the total number of seats would be one seat
more than those of Awami League. Thus Awami League would be short by one seat. In that
case instead of Awami League, this alliance or combined parties of BNP, Jatiyo party and JSD
(Rab) could form the government and could easily divide the 30 reserve women seats in the
Parliament among themselves. With this calculation Sheikh Hasina started saying; “Abu Hena
(The Chief Election Commissioner) deceived me like this? Cheated me? He did not keep his
word and did not act as he had agreed to do.”
On 15th June in the evening Bangabandhu’s daughter Sheikh Hasina ordered to bring the JSD
Leader and the only elected Member of the Parliament from JSD, ASM Rab to her house by
means fair or foul.
When this information was given to ASM Rab, the domesticated Opposition Leader and the
watchdog of the combined parties of the autocrat Ershad’s 1988 Parliament, he jumped at it. It
seemed as if he was waiting like a swallow for such a news. ASM Rab, MP rushed to the House
of Sheikh Hasina who made him sit in the VVIP room on the first floor and offered him some
sweets. Then she said, “brother Rab, you got this country liberated. You participated in the
creation of Bangladesh. It is you who made my father Bangabandhu from Sheikh Mujib. You
have contributed to making him known all over the world. At the root of all these you had the
maximum personal contribution.”
ASM Rab said, “you were not there in politics at that time. So you do not know that we never
wanted to oppose Bangabandhu. I personally never opposed him. It was those who surrounded
Bangabandhu and a few others who had created the distance between us. In fact Bangabandhu
was our real leader. And we were the real followers of Bangabandhu.
Sheikh Hasina said, “yes, Brother Rab, you are the real follower of Bangabandhu. That is why I
want to form the cabinet with you. We all want to form the government jointly and run the
country.”
ASM Rab said. “I had long been mentally ready to have the government tinder your leadership.
All these days I was only waiting for your call.”
Bangabandhu’s daughter said, “believe me, I will return your trust (in me).’
ASM Rab said, “yes, there is no lack of confidence in you. You are the daughter of
Bangabandhu, how can one disbelieve you?”
ASM Rab looked at Najib Ahmed, Bahauddin Nasim, Nakib Ahmed Manu, Kaniz Ahmed (all of
them are the sons of the cousin of Sheikh Hasina’s father), Ram Mohan Das, Mrinal Kanti Das,
Anam and Sentu, who were all present there and said, “I want to talk to the Leader alone.”
Sheikh Hasina asked everyone present there to leave.
After they left, Sheikh Hasina and the JSD leader ASM Rab started their negotiations inside the
room. After about five minutes Sheikh Hasina asked for a pen and two sheets of paper which
were sent inside. It could be understood from outside that Bangabandhu’s daughter Sheikh
Hasina and the JSD leader ASM Rab concluded a written agreement between themselves. After
about 15 minutes ASM Rab went away. Bangabandhu’s daughter Sheikh Hasina declared,
“ASM Rab has been managed. May be I can now form the Government.”
The next morning Ram Mohan Das presented a calculation and tried to convince Sheikh Hasina
that even if BNP, Jatiya Party, Jamaat-i-Islam, JSD (Rab) and the only Independent MP Makbul
Hussain of Kushtia formed an alliance, still then Awami League would retain its majority and
could form the government. According to the constitution the Members of the Parliament who
had been elected from more than one seat could retain only one seat and was required to
vacate the rest before taking oath. The seat so vacated would be declared vacant. That is, one
M.P. would represent only one constituency irrespective of the number of seats from which he
was elected. Thus, BNP, Jatiya Party, JSD, Jamaat and the Independent Alliance would be
required to vacate 11 seats and Awami League only four. It the calculation was made deducting
the seats to be vacated before taking oath, it appeared that Awami League alone would have
one seat more than those of the above mentioned Alliance. When she understood this
calculation, she said, “where had you been earlier? Now everything is over. Rab bluffed me and
got it in writing. It cannot be changed now. You bastards, what did you do earlier? What shall I
do now?”
This is the way in which the government by consensus formed by Sheikh Hasina came into
being and this is how JSD leader ASM Rab became a Minister.
ROWSHAN ERSHAD GRABS HER FEET
It was June 19, 1996. At 7 p.m. Rowshan Ershad, wife of the former President Hussain
Muhammad Ershad called on Bangabandhu’s daughter Sheikh Hasina at her residence at No. 5
Dhanmondi. In the VVIP room on the first floor the former First Lady Rowshan Ershad and
Sheikh Hasina sat face to face on a sofa. The distance between the two was about 5 feet.
Rowshan Ershad said, “apa (sister), I have a request to make to you. Please do not make
Zeenat Musharraf a lady M.P. from Jatiya Party.”
Sheikh Hasina said, “this is your affair. Whoever is nominated by you I will make her the lady
M.P.”
Rowshan Ershad said, "apa, you are my sister. You are a woman too. You have also a
husband. Be kind to me as a sister. Please help me in getting back my husband. You please do
not make that woman of loose morals, Zeenat Musharraf a lady M.P. from Jatiya Party.”
Sheikh Hasina said, "no, I shall allot two seats of lady M.P. to Jatiya Party and one to Jamaat.
Rowshan Ershad said, “in that case, whatever happens, do not make Zeenat an M.P.” Sheikh
Hasina replied that it was her problem.
Rowshan Ershad got up from the sofa, straightway grabbed the feet of Bangabandhu’s daughter
Sheikh Hasina and said, “apa, “you are my sister. You please do not push me to this danger.
You please save my husband.’
Sheikh Hasina said, “what are you doing’? You leave my feet, I shall see.”
Rowshan Ershad said, ‘apa, you give me your word.”
Sheikh Hasina said, “alright, I will not make Zeenat an MP"
No sooner had Rowshan Ershad gone out of the VVIP room through the western door and
reached the stairs than Sheikh Hasina started dancing. She was saying: “I will spare none. I
must make Zeenat’Musharraf an MP"
SEATS FOR THE BURQA-CLAD WOMEN
At the time of the movement for the downfall of Khaleda Zia, Hasina built up a close political
relationship with the war criminal and killer Ghulam Azam and his party Jamaat-l-Islami. She
had a secret meeting with Ghulam Azam and Matiur Rahman Nizami in the house of his
brother-in-law Musharraf Hussain (father-in-law of her daughter Putul) at Uttara on the eve of
the election.
It was decided in that meeting that the Jamaat workers and supporters would not cast their
votes in favour of the BNP candidates in the election of June 12, 1996. It was also decided that
they would try to vote for Awami League candidates in those places where Jamaat’s position
was weak. In exchange, Sheikh Hasina would give Jamaat two seats of lady M.Ps.
It was 10 P.M. Sheikh Hasina was having her dinner. She recalled her promise to Jamaat
leaders and said, “I had told them that I would give two seats of lady MPs to the Burqa-clad
women. At that time I thought that Jamaat would get about 15 seats. But Jamaat could secure
only two seats. Now I won’t give the Burqu-clad women more than one seat of lady M.P.”
Hearing this Sheikh Hasina’s aunt (wife of Sheikh Nasser and mother of Sheikh Helal M.P.)
said, “now it is all the same, whether you give or don’t give them seats. The job is over."
That is, Jamaat may or may not be given lady M.P. seats now. The necessity is over.
Bangabandhu’s daughter said, “Let me give one woman seat to the Burqa-clad in order to keep
them in my grip in the future. Mrs. Matiur Rahman Rento (Maina) said. “apa, what are you
saying? Don’t break anybody’s heart and don’t shatter people’s confidence. You are the leader
of the pro-liberation forces. People consider you as the symbol of independence. If you allot a
woman M.P seat to Jamaat then there will be no difference between you and Khaleda Zia. Pro-
liberation people will be disheartened. It will be harmful for you. Please don’t do this.”
After that the freedom fighter Matiur Rahman Rentu and Mrs. Matiur Rahman Rentu (Maina)
together grabbed Sheikh Hasina’s feet and said crying, apa, you give us word that you would
not give a single woman M.P. seat to Jamaat.”
Sheikh Hasina said, “let me think.”
It was 2 o’clock at night.
Next morning at 7 the freedom fighter Matiur Rahman Rentu and Mrs. Matiur Rahman Rentu
(Maina) first went to the house of Sheikh Hasina’s aunt (Sheikh Helal’s mother) at Indira road.
Both of them fell at the feet of Sheikh Hasina’s aunt and said, “Only you can dissuade Apa
(Sheikh Hasina) from giving woman M.P. seats to Jamaat.”
The aunt referred to what she had said to Hasina a day earlier: ‘you may give or may not give
women’s seats to Jamaat’.
Both husband and the wife said, “No aunt, you would only say: don’t give any woman M.P. seat
to Jamaat.”
The aunt was almost forced to go to the house of Sheikh Hasina at Road No.5. Dhanmondi.
Once again both of us grabbed the feet of Sheikh Hasina and started imploring her not to give a
woman M.P. seat to Jamaat. The aunt said, “these two are crying. Moreover it won’t be a loss
for you if you do not give Jamaat a woman M.P. seat.”
Sheikh Hasina said, “Well, if you do not want it, I will not give.”
HANIF, MINISTER FOR LGRD
Bangabandhu’s daughter Sheikh Hasina was to take oath as the Prime Minister from President
Abdur Rahman Biswas at Bangabhaban at 7 p.m. on 23rd of June, 1996. Everybody was very
busy; those who were expecting to be appointed Minister were in great tension. They had been
visiting Sheikh Hasina’s house frequently. ‘I will be a Minister’ each one of them thought. Each
began lobbying for his inclusion in the cabinet and pestering people who were close to Sheikh
Hasina, her relatives and other member of her household.’
While every aspirant was busy lobbying for himself, there was one who refrained from it. He was
certain that he was going to be a Minister. For him not only Ministership but also the Ministry
was also certain. And that Ministry was the Ministry of LGRD. That person was none but the city
Mayor of Dhaka Muhammad Hanif. For him only the oath taking part remained. On 23rd June
next the oath taking ceremony too would take place. The reason why Hanif was so sure was
that on 17th February 1996 Bangabandhu’s daughter herself had made a promise to him to this
effect.
EVERYONE HAS A SAD FACE
It was June 23, 1996. Bangabandhu’s daughter Sheikh Hasina would take oath as the Prime
Minister from President Abdur Rabman Biswas at 7 P.m. in the Assembly Hall in Bangabbaban.
In her house at Road No.5 at Dhanmondi everybody except Sheikh Hasina was worried. The
sons of the cousins of Sheikh Hasina’s father, Najib Ahmed Najib, Nakib Abmed Mannu and
Kaneez Ahmed —all had a sad expression as if the dark clouds of the ‘Kalbaisakhi’ (seasonal
storm that visits Bangladesh in the Bengali month ‘Baisakh’: translator) had descended on their
faces. Another cousin Bahauddin Nasim had left Sheikh Hasina’s house before dawn. The
servants of the house, peons, driver, cooks, even those who had been staying with Sheikh
Hasina for long sixteen or seventeen years had tears in their eyes.
Within an hour Sheikh Hasina would take oath as the Prime Minister. Why were the inmates in
her house were in such a state of sadness. She inquired. “Am I dying that everyone has started
expressing his grief?”
When two or three persons, including Sheikh Hasina’s relations, were asked about the reason
of such state of grief, they said, “you don’t understand? She has become the Prime Minister and
thus has managed everything for herself. What will happen to us’? She won’t even remember
that we suffered so much for so many years."
In reply it was pointed out that there was no reason why she should forget those who had
served her for so many years.
They replied, “oh, You have not yet realized what an unfaithful creature she is. You will know.”
At 7 P.m. everyone entered the Assembly Hall in Bangabhaban. All the Awami League MP’s
had come. The judges had come. Three service Chiefs of the Armed forces had also come.
Officers of the executive services and the elite were also there.
Mayor of Dhaka Muhammad Hanif arrived wearing new ‘pyjama and punjabi’ and a Mujib coat.
Usually he did not put on a Mujib Coat. But that day he was sure that he would be inducted as a
Minister. On February 17 Sheikh Hasina had declared him as a Minister. So he was wearing a
Mujib coat. He had set up “Janatar Mancho” (People’s Stage) and which enormously helped
bring down Khaleda Zia’s government. Considering all these, he was the centre of attraction in
the ceremony. As the Mayor of Dhaka, Hanif is no less important.
TREACHERY WITH ME?
The ceremony began with Sheikh Hasina taking oath of office as the Prime Minister. Now the
Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina would announce her Cabinet of Ministers. She was taking out
from her bag the list containing the names of Ministers. Mayor of Dhaka Muhammad Hanif
started rising slowly from his chair. Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina was taking a little time in
reading out the names. Mayor Hanif was having such a posture from which one could not be
sure if he was sitting or was standing. He thought why he should sit on the chair when he would
be required to stand up in no time, as the first name in the list of Cabinet Ministers was his. He
did not leave the chair thinking that it might look odd. So he was in a half sitting half standing
posture. Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina started reading out the names of the members of her
Cabinet. The first name was not that of Mayor Hanif, nor was the second one, nor the third,
fourth, fifth, sixth, seventh or eighth one. His name was not in the list. Mayor Muhammad Hanif
then hurriedly left the Assembly Hall, through the passage between the two rows of chairs.
While he was leaving someone called out ‘Hanif Bhai’ and grabbed him from behind. But he
pushed him aside and left Bangabhaban repeating the words:
"Treachery with me! Treachery with me!”
Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina returned home and while eating her dinner said,” today I have two
reasons for joy. One for becoming the Prime Minister and the other for taking revenge of Hanif’s
ingratitude.”
Later, Mayor Muhammad Hanif got himself admitted into the Diabetic Hospital (BIRDEM), called
the press men and said, “ you may not respect someone but you cannot insult him.”
Then he asked for a mini government (for the city corporation) followed by his demand for a
Metropolitan Authority. But no, Mayor Hanif got nothing, no ministership, no mini government
and no Metropolitan Authority.
UNBALANCED
After returning to her residence, Road No.5 of Dhanmondi, Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina asked
her relations to choose a new government house for her. With this started the search for a
house for the Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina. The first one to be seen was the state guest house
Sugandha After that the widely talked about building at 30, Hare Road the construction of which
was started at the time of Ershad and finished during Khaleda Zia’s time, was seen. This was
followed by visits to the state guest houses, Padma, Megna and finally to Karotoa. After much
thinking and consultations with the relations, the fortress-like building, karotoa situated in the
western side of the Crescent lake and to the north-west of the Parliament building was selected.
During the rule of the Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina’s father Sheikh Mujib, his office was
situated there. At that time this house was called Ganobhaban. This building was made the
residence of the Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina and the name Ganobhaban was restored.
On July 3, 1996 at about 9 A.M. she came to Ganobhaban to live there. Having arrived, she
straightway went to the first floor. She saw bedrooms, dinning hall, reception room, and eight or
ten other rooms. Each room had a 26" coloured TV and was tastefully decorated with modern
furniture. As the night advanced, Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina could not see the ground floor of
the large palace. She went to bed. Next day on the 4th of July, Sheikh Hasina woke up early in
the morning, took bath, wore a new saree and went to the Prime Minister’s office before 7
O’clock. She returned at about 1 O’clock at noon and entered into Room 3, with her aunt,
mother of Sheikh Helal. She was so impressed with the quality of the furniture that she lost
control and embracing Sheikh Helal’s mother shouted, “oh Aunti! such a big table!” and said
“please send news to all our relations at home. We shall all eat together at this dining table.”
Her aunt said, “Even if all kith and kin come, this table will not be full.” Sheikh Hasina said —
“Then all people of Tungipara be informed. We all will eat at this table.”
The noises issuing from room no 3 drew the army special force — S. S. F. and P. G. R.
members deputed for the security of the Prime Minister to the room. Then Sheikh Hasina
became silent and went upstairs with her aunt.
Room 3 of Ganobhaban is a large room. There is an oval shaped table in this room; there are
about 200 revolving chairs on all sides of this large table. Sheikh Hasina did not realize that it
was not the dining hall. It was the conference room.
TWO SISTERS DIVIDE THE SPOILS
In Bangladesh today, the person who exercises substantial authority, whose finger is in every
business pie, who influences the appointments to high positions whether military or civil, whose
influence matches that of the Prime Minister, President, Minister and others exercising authority,
into whose hands has accumulated great deal of money through legal or illegal means, is none
other than Sheikh Rehana, the second daughter of the Father of the Nation, and the adored
younger sister of the Prime Minister. She has no love or affection for the people of Bangladesh
whom she openly calls ungrateful dogs and hypocrites. She would have been most happy, had
the 120 million people of Bangladesh been wiped out through a sudden disaster.
In the afternoon of July 7, she came to Ganabhaban and approached her elder sister Prime
Minister Sheikh Hasina. She assailed her with questions: “is Sheikh Mujib only your father’? Is
he also not my father? Where is my share? You alone will have it all? I must also get an even
share. I want to have five Ministers of my choice.”
Sheikh Hasina grinding her teeth said: “what will you do with Ministers? If you want money you
will get it.” Sheikh Rehana replied, “I don’t understand all this. You must make five of my people
Ministers today.” Sheikh Hasina was firm. ‘You won’t get any Minister. I am running the show.
Let me do it. Whatever money you want you will have it.”
Hearing the exchange of shouts, the Prime Minister’s security guard drawn from the Armed
Forces (Army, Navy and Air Force - 64 officers and staff in all) and the 16 members of the Prime
Ministers Guard Regiment came running. As the Prime Minister made some gesture they
understood that this was a family affair. They decided to overlook the incident.
Sheikh Rehana insisted that unless she had her five Ministers appointed she would go away to
the United States. “I will come only when there is an even share,” she said. “keep it in mind.”
Having said this Sheikh Rehana left.
Later, Sheikh Hasina went to the US to make up for it and ultimately, agreed to share the gains.
She brought her younger sister back to Bangladesh on condition that Sheikh Rehana would be
made Sheikh Hasina’s cashier. All the monies would be in the hands of Sheikh Rehana and she
would be the next successor of Mujib.
SHARE MARKET SCAM
In the month of July 1996 PM Sheikh Hasina’s younger sister Sheikh Rehana’s husband Shafiq
Siddiqui used to come every evening to the Prime Minister’s office, in Sheikh Hasina’s red
Nissan Patrol with yellow number plate followed by two Toyota cars. Two Shikhs, three
Marwaris and two Indian Bengalis used to come with him to Sheikh Hasina’s office and had
sessions in the Meeting Room No. 5.
Before sitting down for the meeting Shafique Siddiqui would hear from the author the latest
information from the share market. Shafique wanted to know what sort of crowd had gathered in
the share market. The author (motor cycle rider) would say that in front of Modhumita Cinema
hall quite a number of traders had gathered.
Shafique Siddiqui would suggest, “everyone should deal in the share market and buy shares as
the current trend is good”. He would tell his friends and residents of the area to buy shares for
there was substantial profit in the trade.
Thus every evening he would meet with the above mentioned people after having ascertained
from the author the size of crowd at Motijheel (where the stock exchange is located).
Shafique would repeat daily that the business was profitable and everybody should buy shares.
Days passed in this fashion. The author’s duty was to provide information on the crowds present
at the stock exchange. Shafique Siddiqui, thereupon, would hold discussions with the Shikhs,
Marwaris and Indian Bengali businessmen.
Siddiqui held that there was profit in buying shares and that selling them was easy. But the real
thing was the emphasis on buying and not on selling. Thus if today, you could buy shares
tomorrow you could realize several times the price you paid in buying. The whole country was
buying and plenty of buyers were there in the market but not many sellers.
One day the messenger told Shafique Siddiqui that the share market had the largest ever
number of buyers. From the corner of Ittefaq office, through the length of Motijheel upto the
Lotus fountain and beyond up to Notre Dame College the entire length of the street was
crowded. All traffic had stopped. There were only buyers and no sellers. Shafique Siddiqui along
with his Indian friends sat from 5 p.m. for one of the longest meetings for almost five and a half
hours compared to the normal meetings of one to one and a half hours.
Next day even more people gathered at the stock exchange and Shafique Siddiqui and his
colleagues sat in the PM’s Secretariat from 3 PM to almost 10 PM. At the end of the meeting the
Indians parted with Shafique Siddiqui after exchanging hugs and embraces.
Next day in the Motijheel Share Market only sellers kept bumping into each other and only their
cries were heard. No Buyers could be found. Shafique Smddiqui and his Indian friends were not
seen in the PM’s secretariat.
THOSE SIX FREEDOM FIGHTERS
After the assassination of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman on August 15, 1975 those who opposed the
assassination - Kader Siddiqui along with those freedom fighters who fought in two wars,
gathered at Purana Paltan for a meeting. Their discussions continued throughout the day. The
main subject was how to assist Sheikh Hasina and her government. One of the acknowledged
freedom fighters From Kalurghat and Nalitbari thana, a physician in an emotionally charged
voice said; ‘I fought in the great war of liberation in 1971. I fought for independence of the
country. Yet I did not die. I fought against the opponents of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman in 1975. We
lost the war but I did not die. Ultimately, I married a young widow. We have one male child I am
now the husband of a young mother. I do not want to do anything that will make my wife twice
widowed and my son an orphan.”
The meeting ended at 7 p.m. and people began to leave for home. The physician Jasimuddin
had hired a microbus and left for Nalitbari thana. Next day I received a phone call from a
freedom fighter named Hashem Masud Jamil Jugal. The latter told me on the phone that six
freedom fighters including Jasimuddin had been killed. Hearing this news my heart almost
stopped beating. For a while I could not speak. Just last night, only some ten or eleven hours
ago, people with whom I had talked at length were now dead. This was shocking. Controlling
myself I asked, “who said this? How were they killed?” Hashem Masud informed that the
microbus in while they were traveling was involved in a serious road accident.
Deeply shocked, I left the house for the official residence of the Prime Minister to inform Sheikh
Hasina of the sad news. She listened without comment. Later, she left for the office. In my mind
a thought arose. If the Prime Minister wanted someone to be killed she would have sought
someone from the families of the six freedom fighters. That is why I had told her of the death of
the six freedom fighters on her return from the Ganabhaban. In reply she said “so what? “Every
day many people die.” About an hour later around 3 p.m. Sheikh Hasina attended a discussion
meeting arranged by the Bangabandhu Association to commemorate her fathers death
anniversary. It was held at the Engineers Institute. There she wept repeating the words; “My
father, my mother, my brothers.”
If one cannot respond to other people’s distress and have sympathy for their losses, then one is
inhuman. How does it profit the country to have a leader devoid of ordinary human feelings? For
her own parents and brothers the Prime Minister has grieved and wept frequently. “Oh Allah,
give the Prime Minister some understanding, some love and some feeling for the people so that
she can understand the sorrow and sufferings of others — Amin”
GETTING A DOCTORATE
Boston University in the United States conferred on the Prime Minister a Doctorate of Law
degree. The University President John Wesley, before announcing the degree, came to visit
Bangladesh for three or four days, in the last week of December 1996. During his stopover in
Dhaka John Wesley was a state guest at the Ganabbaban guesthouse. He was taken out on a
tour of Dhaka. He visited such places as Bangabandhu Museum (Road no 32 Dhanmandi).
Subrawardy Uddayan, the National Assembly, the Martyr’s memorial etc. During this tour John
Wesley was briefed about history. One day he was taken to Tungipara where he was shown
Mujib’s grave. He stayed at the Gopalgang Circuit House during the night. Next day he returned
to Dhaka where he was shown all the pictures in the Bangabandhu museum the contents were
explained and John Wesley was indoctrinated like a parrot. The full responsibility for this briefing
fell on the Prime Minister’s Parliamentary Adviser Suranjit Sengupta. The latter not only briefed
him but also raised the issue of the Doctorate of Law. The Boston University President John
Wesley was showered with presents before he left Bangladesh.
The fact that the Ganabbavan was Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina's official residence was not
mentioned to John Wesley by Sen Babu. As a result. John Wesley was led to believe that
Dhanmondi Road No. 32 was Bangabandhu’s museum; that Tongipara was Bangabandbu’s
village home and that the Ganabbaban was Sheikh Hasina’s father’s house.
Thus on 6 February, 1997 while conferring the Doctor etc. of Law on PM Sheikh Hasina,
President John Wesley in making his address, at one point referred to Sheikh Hasina’s fathers
huge palace - “your birthplace, inheritance, source of culture, consciousness and zeal”
Obviously, the huge palace referred to is the Ganabbaban which is not Sheikh Mujib’s house
but an official residence of the Prime Minister.
FIRST VISIT TO THE USA
Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina was going to the United States on her first visit as Prime Minister.
Her relatives left the Ganabhaban in large number for Zia International Airport to see her off. In
good time Sheikh Hasina also reached the airport. Her relatives, laughing, joking and gossiping
had tea with a variety of foodstuffs. The entire cabinet, Chiefs of the Armed Forces, high
officials, both civil and military and other important personalities were gathered at the VVIP
terminal prior to seeing off Sheikh Hasina.
Hasina’s cousin (Father’s sister’s son), her APS Bahauddin Nasim decided that a new example
should be set. He took some of the senior officials of the airport to the lounge near the
passenger tarmac stating that as the Prime Minister was so close to the common people she
would board the plane from the passenger tarmac and not from the VVIP lounge.
Thus Sheikh Hasina’s cousin APS Nasim gave the order to take the plane to the passenger
tarmac. The Airport officials so instructed the pilot who taxied the plane to the passenger
lounge.
A little later came the Prime Minister’s Chief of Security Nazer Ahmad Najib. On hearing that on
Nusim’s order the PM’s plane had been taken to the passenger tarmac, Najib promptly
instructed that the Prime Minister would board the plane from the VVIP tarmac and ordered the
plane to be brought back there. Accordingly, the plane was brought back to the VVIP tarmac.
Sometime later the PM’s APS Bahauddin Nasim heard that his cousin Najib bad brought back
the plane to the VVIP tarmac. Nasim told the airport authorities, “I am the APS of the Prime
Minister. I plan her programs. Do you know more than me. I have sent all the journalists to the
passenger lounge. What I say stands and you must work accordingly.” The PM’s plane was sent
back to the passenger tarmac again.
The PM’s Chief of Security Nazer Abmad Najib came to check whether the plane was ready and
found that it was at the passenger tarmac. Shouting abuses “Haramzada, Kuttar Bacha etc
(Bastard, son of a bitch etc.)” he demanded on whose authority the plane had been moved.
Nasim replied. “on my authority. I have taken it to the passenger tarmac.” Najib said, “who are
you to move the plane. I am the Chief of Security. The plane will move only on my orders.”
Nasim replied angrily. “it will move on my orders.” Najib shouted, “don’t talk too much. It will be
bad for you.” Nasim said with equal vehemence, “do you think I smoke your tobacco, (I am
under your obligation) that I will be cowed down.” During the altercations between the two
cousins of Sheikh Hasina the Airport officials stood waiting for some twenty five minutes. The
Prime Minister asked as to what the matter was and why she was not boarding the plane. There
was one person who influences over both and could stop the fighting between the two cousins.
To him both of them would turn when they needed money and other facilities. This person was
Sheikh Hasina’s cousin Sheikh Helal MP who now came forward. Both Najib and Nasiin feared
him. Sheikh Helal said “The PM has been waiting and you have not made any arrangements for
the plane to leave. Go take the plane in the VVIP tarmac.”
The airport officials once again told the pilot to return to the VVIP tarmac. The pilot now insisted
that he be given a written order. Pending this he put the plane mid-way between the two
tarmacs. This created further predicament for the airport officials. Finally, they gave written
orders and the plane was moved to the VVIP tarmac.
The PM thus started her historic visit to America. Despite the fact, that for the above reason the
PM’s departure was delayed by one hour and a half and the PM expressed her extreme
displeasure (though it was not quite known to whom), the country s newspapers the next day
mentioned only the delay of the journey. No newspaper revealed the reason for the delay. Only
one journalist Abed Khan of the Bhorer Kagoj headlined his column “Was the Prime Minister’s
security hindered.’’
FIGHTER PLANE PURCHASE
Sheikh Hasina’s cashier, Sheikh Rehana along with her husband Shafiq Siddiqui came one
afternoon to the PM’s official residence. They advised the PM to purchase the Russian MIG 29
fighter planes, saying that if these planes were bought the ‘Uttar Para” (the armed forces
personnel living at the Cantonment) would be happy and the Government would not be accused
of being subservient to India.
The author Matiar Rahinan Rentu told the Prime Minister not to heed to the advice. He argued
that crores of people were unemployed in the country and money saved by not buying the
fighter planes could be used to help these unemployed. Sheikh Rehana and her husband Shafiq
Siddiqui were barely able to contain their anger. Sheikh Hasina said that the planes could be
bought on credit. The author argued that even if the planes were bought on credit the country
would ultimately have to pay for them. He said that one thing had to be kept in mind. If
unemployment could be eased and the country made to prosper then not only Sheikh Hasina
but her children and grandchildren would be held in high esteem. Sheikh Rehana interceded as
said to the PM “can’t I talk to you alone without your people interfering.” The author thereupon
left.
The PM Sheikh Hasina then talked to Sheikh Rehana and Shafiq Siddiqui. For a poverty
stricken country like Bangladesh it is unimaginable that fighter planes should be bought. Were
they to fight a war against India? In an anguished manner Sheikh Hasina asked Sheikh Rehana
“can anyone think of fighting a war be it against India or any other?” Sheikh Rehana said “of
course not.” The Sheikh family in particular, cannot even think of war with India. They consider
India as their guardian and custodian. They consider West Bengal Chief Minister almost as their
father. They would not wage war with India but they would still buy fighter planes What is the
secret? Both Hasina and Rehana know that Bangladesh is among the poorest countries of the
world. People have half-empty stomachs, lack clothes, education, housing and shelter. It is also
clear that whatever happens they will never fight against India. So why are they buying the
planes’?
One thing must be kept in mind. Monies spent for the defense of the country are not subject to
questioning in the Parliament. This is not only so in our country but in many other countries as
well. That is why the Parliament in India did not have a serious discussion on the Bofors deal
despite the fact that the late Prime Minister of India was clearly involved in it. Defense
expenditures involve very little accountability. The question posed was that it a war was ruled
out then why were useless and ancient fighter planes being bought by Sheikh Hasina and
Sheikh Rehana? The reply is simple — “agency commission:” Sheikh Hasina and her cashier
made in moderate terms crores of taka.
KADER SIDDIQUT VERSUS SHEIKH HASINA
During the liberation war a person raised from the grassroots a freedom fighter group called the
Kader Bahini. This was composed of a company from Tangail, one from Mymensingh and
another from Pabna. They were in the forefront of the freedom struggle. By not leaving the
country, by not going to India and by establishing companies in Tangail, Mymensingh and
Pabna they created an independent zone into which no invading Pakistan force could
successfully penetrate. Whenever the Pakistani army tried to enter this area they suffered heavy
losses and had to retreat. In this independent zone, the freedom fighters developed side by side
with military organization, a civilian administration. Thus, along with fighting a war, a civil-
political administration was established which had such functions as tax collection, employment
of public servants (such as chowkidar, dafadar) as well as officers. Also, a judiciary began to
function. These developments are difficult in any freedom struggle, anywhere in the world. The
person who set this example was the popular hero, Bangabir Kader Siddiqui, whose name
would make Pakistanis shiver.
When Sheikh Hasina’s father Sheikh Mujibur Rahman was assassinated on 15 August 1975
only Bangabir Kader Siidiqui protested the murder. He declared himself to be Sheikh Mujibur
Rabman’s fourth son and started a war in 1975. This war was the biggest mistake in Kader
Siddiqui’s life. He did not have popular support and this war was a far cry from that of 1971.
Though the assassination of Sheikh Mujib in 1995 needed investigation, it was by and large,
accepted by the people. That is why no one supported the second war. This was left to the
Government and the army to deal with. Thus, while in 1971 the great freedom fighter Kader
Siddiqui was considered to be victorious, in 1975 Kader Siddiqui and those who opposed
Sheikh Mujib’s death were defeated. He was forced into exile in India, where Sheikh Mujib’s
daughter Sheikh Hasina called him to be her brother in faith.
From that time on their brother-sister relationship became so strong that Kader Siddiqui did not
eat meat as Sheikh Hasina did not do so. She used to cook fish for him when he visited her
hotel. Sheikh Hasiria often used to say that apart from Kader Siddiqui there was no one else in
the world who could be her father’s spiritual heir. Sheikh Hasina used to say that even if she
worked her whole life as a servant she could not repay the debt she owed to Kader Siddiqui.
On May 17, 1981 Sheikh Hasina while returning to Bangladesh said at Dum Dum airport that
her first job would be to bring back Bangabandhu’s spiritual heir, her brother in faith, Kader
Siddiqui and his people. However, on her return no effort was made for his return. It was
Bangabir Kader Siddiqui’s wife, Nasreen Siddiqui, who formed an Association for his return. She
traveled all over the country and forcefully lobbied for his return. Sheikh Hasina did not see this
in its true light and viewed Nasreen Siddiqui’s Association as a challenge. She did nothing
openly but told the Awami League to keep aloof from Kader Siddiqui’s Association.
Following the 1990 mass upsurge against the autocrat, General Husain Muhammad Ershad and
his fall, Kader Siddiqui spoke to her over telephone regarding his return to his homeland. Sheikh
Hasina immediately opposed this and told her Awami League cadres to oppose it as well.
However, during the Victory Day celebrations on December 16, Kader Siddiqui returned to
Dhaka. Many people went to receive him at Zia International Airport. Neither Sheikh Hasina nor
any other Awami League leader was present. Open hostility started between them. Sheikh
Hasina said, “I am here that is why he is here. Kader Siddiqui’s position was like late Prime
Minister Indira Gandhi’s daughter-in-law Maneka Gandhi, Sanjay Gandhi’s wife. As long as
Indira Gandhi was there, Maneka was there. Now that Indira Gandhi is no more, there is no
news of Maneka. If I wasn’t here, no one would care for Kader Siddiqui.”
As for Kader Siddiqui. thank God, he had never accepted Sheikh Hasina as his leader and had
never bowed down to her. Kader Siddiqui had a similar line “Sheikh Hasina is my sister as I am
her brother in faith. I am also a heir to Sheikh Mujib.
For various reasons and particularly to avoid hostility coining out in the open, Sheikh Hasina
kept Kader Siddiqui in the Awami League and made him an MP. For similar reasons, Kader
Siddiqui stayed in the Awami League. Sheikh Hasina’s thinking was that removal of Kader
Siddiqui from the Party would weaken it. Kader Siddiqui could publicize her betrayal and
challenge her leadership. It was better to keep him in her father’s Party and to let him rut there
Kader Siddiqui for the time being also approved ot these for tactical reasons. When Sheikh
Hasina in order to humiliate Kader Siddiqui and so to secure some political gains decided to
send police to his house, the author, Motiur Rahman Rentu argued with Sheikh Hasina against
such a move. He said that she should have a bit of gratitude. When the bodies of her father,
mother and brothers were lying on the stairs of 32 Dhanmondi nobody raised a finger except
Kader Siddiqui. And today, she had sent police to his house. “You cannot do such an ungrateful
thing.’’ he said.
Sheikh Hasina said, “Kader Siddiqui’s brother is a terrorist and the police were sent to catch
him”
The author said, “Kader Siddiqui's brothers Murad and Azad Siddiqui, whether they had been
terrorists or not in the past, had done no terrorism or committed no crime during your time. In
the bad days when your parents were killed Kader and Latif Siddiqui were exiled from the
country, the two brothers who remained were the only ones who had the courage to utter the
name of Sheikh Mujib or the Awami League. It was they who in Tangail kept alive the name of
Sheikh Mujib among the young people and came into direct clash with the administration. Thus
their names were entered into the list of terrorists. Apart from this, Azad and Murad were no
longer involved in any sort of criminal activities. This is not unknown to you. If during your rule
they become involved in any illegal activities then warn them that they would be sent to jail.”
The Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina said, “No, we will send police to Kader Siddiquis house to
arrest them.” The author again argued, “If you want to harass Kader Siddiqui then there is no
such thing as gratitude in this world.” Prime Minister having heard this left for her room in anger.
Police went to Kader Siddiqui’s house.
JUSTICE SHAHABUDDIN BECOMES PRESIDENT
It was June 23, 1996. Even before the Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina took her oath of office, she
had been in a quandary over the choice of the President. Whoever, among her Party leaders
was approached by her for taking the responsibility would refuge.
In this situation, the author and his wife suggested that the former Chief Justice of the Supreme
Court and the President of the Caretaker Government, Justice Shahabuddin Ahmed be made
the President. The author and his wife argued that Justice Shahabuddin Ahmed was liked by
the people, that he was experienced and that if he was made the President, Sheikh Hasina’s
popularity would grow.
Bangabandhu’s daughter, Sheikh Hasina said, “no. Shahahuddin will not be made President.
The reason is simple. When I mentioned that the 1991 election was rigged, Shahabuddin
Ahmed, as the President of the Caretaker Government joined hands with Khaleda Zia and said
that the election was completely free and fair. Is this justice? I will not make this person the
President.”
Bangabandhu's daughter first approached Zillur Rabman. He said. “Leader, you were pleased
to make me the Secretary of the party. It’ you don’t give me an executive post now then as the
Secretary of the party I will not have any importance. Please don’t make me the President and
give me a Ministry so that I can always be near you.
Bangabandhu’s daughter then approached the Presidium member Salahuddin Yusuf. He said
that he was not in good health. Sheikh Hasina commented, “that’s good. The President has no
work. He only sits at Bangabhaban and enjoys himself.” On hearing this, Salahuddin Yusuf fell
at the feet of Sheikh Hasina and said, “Leader, please give me the opportunity to do something
for the people in my constituency.”
The author and his wife, again raised the issue of making the former Chief Justice Shahabudin
Ahmed the new President. Sheikh Hasina approached a Presidium Member, the current Foreign
Minister, Abdus Samad Azad. Samad said, “Leader, please have mercy on me. In my final
years don’t obliterate me. I was Bangabandhu’s Foreign Minister. Give me the opportunity to
work. I will show you how efficient Sheikh Mujib’s Ministers were.
Bangabandhu’s daughter could not find anyone to be the President. Whoever she approached
turned his back on the proposal. At this time, one Haji Moqbul Hossain, an Awami League MP
and former presidential nominee of the Awami League in 1991, came forward and exhorted
Sheikh Hasina to do something - to appoint him either as President or a Minister. Sheikh Hasina
replied, “I will not appoint you to any post; you spoke against me in 1991; it is enough that I
made you an MP.’’
Following this, the author and his wife once again impressed on Sheikh Hasina that the
President has no real functions and that he simply sits and takes rest, and has no work. He has
no executive powers. In a government run by Ministers the President is a puppet. He will dance
to your tune. In this situation, why will you not use him? Make Justice Shahabuddin the new
President and take some praise. This opportunity will not return.’’
Finally. Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina agreed. On 23 June, Bangabandhu’s daughter took the
oath as Prime Minister in the President’s house and as Prime Minister went to former President
Justice Shahabuddin Ahmed and offered him the post of President. On the expiry of the term of
office of the President Abdur Rahman Biswas, former Chief Justice of the Supreme Court
Justice Shahabuddin Ahmed was elected the President.
CASE AGAINST BEGUM KHALEDA ZIA
One afternoon, in the first week of November 1996, in the drawing room of the official residence,
Sheikh Hasina and her relatives were busy gossiping. Sheikh Rehana and her husband Shafiq
Siddique, her cousins Loona, Mina, all of them together, urged Sheikh Hasina to institute a case
against Begum Khaleda Zia on the ground of distributing jobs of police sub-inspectors.
On coming to power in 1991, it was alleged that Begum Zia and the Home Minister Abdul Matin
Chowdhury had given some 745 young men jobs as police sub-inspectors. Sheikh Hasina’s
relatives kept pressing for a case to be registered against Begum Zia and Abdul Matin
Chowdhury for nepotism and corruption.
The author, his wife Maina, argued with Sheikh Hasina and her relatives that instead of poking
the former Prime Minister they should try and smooth things over. This would help the country
and make it prosper. We argued that, “If once you can consolidate your position, you will see
that not only you but your grandchildren will be carried by the people on their shoulders. If you
make Khaleda Zia and the BNP hostile, you will riot be able to save this country. The country’s
prosperity depends on both of you. If there is no unity between the two of you, the country will
be split. Again you and the Awami League will be abandoned. We urge you to hold out the hand
of friendship. Begum Zia was Prime Minister before you. You must look upon her as an elder
sister and embrace her and work for thc prosperity of the country In this way you can set a good
example. If you do not, you will be harmed and so will be the country.
The Prime Minister said, “You don’t know Khaleda Zia. The students and the members of the
youth wing of her party have been given jobs in the police.
The author said. “this may be true. Even if it were true that all those who got jobs were from the
“Chatra Dal or Jubo Dal”, it is immaterial. They are still the citizens of the country. If Begum Zia
had given 745 young men jobs, you may give 7000 students/youth jobs. But don’t bring a case.
Cases don’t lead to results. If you bring a case you will lower yourself.”
The Prime Minister said, “you try to obstruct everything.” With these words the Prime Minister
went away to her bedroom. Her relatives then gave Motiur Rahman Rento and his wife a
serious scolding. Subsequently, a case was registered for nepotism and corruption on 21
December 1996 against the former Prime Minister and the Home Minister.
THE GANGES, HILL TRACTS TREATIES AND TRANSIT TRADE
Towards the end of 1996, West Bengal Chief Minister, Jyoti Basu visited Bangladesh. On his
arrival, he called on the Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina at her official residence. Among Sheikh
Hasina’s acquaintances in India, Chief Minister Jyoti Basu belonged to the top echelons. When
the Prime Minister and her sister were in India they came to respect Jyoti Basu more than
anyone else. They came to look upon him as a father figure.
Since her return to Bangladesh in 1981, Sheikh Hasina had gone to India several times.
Whenever she did so, she would always meet Jyoti Basu and seek his blessings. In a certain
manner Jyoti Basu’s support had helped Sheikh Hasina to come to power.
As Jyoti Basu arrived at Ganabhaban, Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina touched his feet and
received him in a manner that only a daughter shows to her father. She then escorted him to the
second floor, where a variety of food had been placed on the table. Sheikh Hasina herself
served the Indian leader who was heated like a member of the family and addressed him as
uncle. They then began to talk about political developments and Indo-Bangladesh bilateral
relations.
At this point Jyoti Basu said, “Look ‘ma' (daughter) you won’t get any Ganges water. I don’t get
any, so how can you get a share? I have discussed the matter with the Indian Prime Minister,
Dev Gowda. You sign the Ganges Treaty. If you do so, your opponents will not be able to make
a political issue out of it even if you do not get any water. You will get that benefit. We will make
a long-term, say twenty or thirty year treaty. But do not say anything about a long term treaty
now. You talk about a five year treaty only. Later, I will announce say a twenty or thirty year
Treaty. I have already talked to the Prime Minister and Water Minister. You carry on the
negotiations in this manner. One further word. You must also quickly make an accord with the
tribal leaders of the Chittagong Hill Tracts. They must control their own revenues and
employment. If your government wants to do anything there they must ask the Tribal leaders for
their concurrence. This, I have already promised to the Prime Minister, the Home and Defense
Ministers as well as the high-ups among the tribal leaders. You must conclude this agreement
with the tribal leaders as quickly as possible. You must call this agreement a Peace Treaty. In
this way you will gain. You will broadcast that you have swept aside the past by making a Peace
Treaty. The whole world will be supportive of you. You may even win the Nobel Prize.”
Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina like a dutiful child could only say “Yes Kaka (Uncle) Yes Kaka.’
Jyoti Basu went on to say, “if they are happy what will happen. In the parliament you will gain all
the three seats just as you get in Gopalgang. And by giving India a corridor as well as transit
facilities, you will be implementing your father’s words. He did lay down the ground work. You
must, at an opportune moment, keep us informed of this. Do not delay too much. If you do so,
New Delhi may misunderstand.” West Bengal Chief Minister left after having finished his task.
The Indian Prime Minister, Dev Gowda later visited Bangladesh, Sheikh Hasina visited New
Delhi and signed the 30 Year Ganges Water Treaty tailored by the West Bengal Chief Minister,
Jyoti Basu.
After this, another cousin of the Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina (aunts’ sister’s son) the Chief
Whip of the parliament, somewhat eccentric, Abul Hasnat Abdullah, was made leader of the
CHT National Committee. Following the blueprint laid down by Jyoti Basu, the Chittagong Hill
Tracts Peace Treaty was signed (without the presence of any official). According to this Treaty:
(i) The Government of Bangladesh will not get any revenues from the CHT. All taxes, land
revenue etc will be collected by the tribal authority and spent by them.
(ii) In the CHT the tribal authority will choose their own employees from among them and
decide their promotion, dismissal etc.
(iii) In the CHT all lands, forests etc will be under the control of the tribal authorities. Without
their permission the GOB cannot operate or acquire any land.
DR. MOHIUDDIN ALAMGIR BECOMING MINISTER
After the Iftar party was over, the Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina sat in Room Number 5 on the
ground floor of Ganobbaban with some of her relatives who came to the Iftar Party for
discussion. She mentioned that Dr. Mohiuddin Khan Alamgir would be made a Minister. At this
the author said, “Why you should you make Mohiuddin Alamgir a Minister’?” Prime Minister
Sheikh Hasina replied: “Mohiuddin Khan Alamgir has a lot of contribution behind my coming to
power.
The author said, “Dr. Mohiuddin Khan Alamgir is an untrustworthy person. Only a few days ago,
in spite of his being a government officer he organized a revolt against the government. An
officer of the Government can not be rewarded for revolting against the Government. This will
be an instance of giving rewards for anti-government activity. If the example of reward is
established, there will be revolt against your Government in future. You are to keep this aspect
in your mind before making Mohiuddin Khan a Minister. If you really think that Mohiuddin Khan
Alamgir has contributions to your coming to power and you want to reward him, then you may
retire him from service first and make him an Adviser. Instead of making him a Minister
straightway, you may give him status of a Minister. Make him a member of the Presidium of
Awami league, and make him a Minister next.”
Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina said - “ Rentu, will you continue to put obstacles to my official
work, or will you let me work?”
“No, Leader, why should I obstruct your work?”
“Then, why are you talking so much?”
“I said this because you raised the issue.”
“There are many present here. Nobody is obstructing me like you. Why are you talking so
much?”
“I have been talking like this from before; it has become a habit with me.”
“You could talk like this earlier when I was Sheikh Hasina. Now I am the Prime Minister.”
“So long as I will be with you, I will be telling you the right thing. It is your discretion to pay heed
to it, and to act or not to act on what I say.”
“You have not seen the power of the Prime Minister as yet. You will see.” Having said this, the
Prime Minister went upstairs. Dr. Mohiuddin Khan Alamgir who revolted against the Government
became a Minister.
DECLARATION ABOUT BEING UNDESIRABLE
Matiur Rahman Rentu and Mrs. Rahman Rentu (Maina) were declared undesirables.
Instructions were sent to all law enforcing agencies like the Police, Special Branch (SB).
National Security Intelligence (NSI) and Detective Branch (DB). Prime Minister’s directives
stated that these unwanted people would be forbidden to enter or to attend functions at Prime
Minister’s Residence, Office and any programs attended by the Prime Minister. The law
enforcing agencies were asked to remain vigil ant in this respect. This declaration was also
published in the newspapers.
SHIEKH MUJIB’S PICTURE ON 10 TAKA NOTE
One Friday, Dr. Parvez, Private Secretary to Finance Minister Kibria, came to Ganohhaban,
official residence of the Prime Minister, and showed her the proposed format of a 10 Taka note
with the picture of Shaikh Mujib on it for approval. The proposed layout had the picture of a
mosque on the front side and Shaikh Mujib’s picture on the reverse side.
Shaikh Hasina became angry and asked why the picture of the Father of the Nation was on the
reverse side. Parvez was embarrassed and explained that the existing 10-taka notes carried the
picture of the mosque on the front side and as such, keeping in mind the religious
susceptibilities of the people, it was not changed. The picture of the Father of the Nation
however had been printed on the other side of the note. Sheikh Hasina angrily retorted, “I don’t
know the significance of the mosque. The picture of the Father of the Nation should be on the
front side of the note. The fact that my father is the Father of the Nation has to he swallowed by
this race of devils. Dr. Parvez came another day with the new design Sheikh Hasina was very
happy.
NONE KILLED BY SHOTS FIRED BY THE POLICE
Only corpse is wanted. Dead human bodies. During the movement against the autocratic rule of
General Ershad many lives, including martyr Noor Hussein's, were lost in the hands of his
Police, Bangladesh Rifles and the Army. But during the movement against the government of
Khaleda Zia, democratically elected in 1991 tinder the supervision of a neutral, non-partisan
government headed by Justice Shahabuddin, not a single person was killed by the Police, BDR
and the Army in the capital city of Dhaka. After 1991 during the movement demanding the fall of
Begum Khaleda Zia’s government raising various issues, a total of 103 persons lost their lives;
none was killed by a shot fired by the Police or any law enforcing agency.
Following the formation of the government by Begum Khaleda Zia after the election in 1991,
Shaikh Hasina became desperate to topple the government. She started movements bringing
one issue after another, i.e. rescinding VAT, seizure of the Secretariat, the Parliament, the
Election Commission, the Prime Minister’s Secretariat, demand for cancellation of the budget
and all kinds of other issues. From 1992 till the day of independence on 26 March 1996 when
the Bill for Caretaker Government was passed every program of movement and hartal of Shaikh
Hasina cost two to four lives. People were killed not by the bullets fired by the Police, BDR or
the Army. All those 103 persons, were unknown persons whose addresses could not be traced.
Not a single person so killed could be identified as a worker of the Awami League. The
government of Begum Khaleda Zia, claimed that the victims were innocent passers by.
It is, however, not important whether the persons killed were innocent passers by or political
workers. The important point is that those who lost their lives were not shot by the Police, BDR
or the Army. Then from 1992 to 1996 by whose bullets these 103 persons were killed? Though
they were not identified, yet they were the sons of the soil. Who murdered them
indiscriminately? Who were the killers? What was their identity? Who helped the killers? Who
organized the crime? In whose interest so many people lost their lives? In every program of
hartal, seize and other movements these innocent people were killed, according to Shaikh
Hasina, by the bullets fired by BNP terrorists (?)
The truth is: two days before a program of any kind, money was paid in advance to professional
killers of Dhaka City for committing murder. The professional killers were told that on the day of
the action program there should be some dead bodies. One used to observe closely the
progress of the program. One used to eagerly look for the news about corpse. Until definite
news about a death reached Sheikh Hasina, she would not eat or drink. She would only take tea
and Phencidyl (a prohibited drug). She would remain restless and mutter, “till now there is no
news of death; what shall I do, what program should I give in future?” She used to pace up and
down on the ground and first floor corridors of 29 Minto Road raving like this.
As soon as the news about a killing came she would lie on her bed and take rest. She would
regain her appetite and order food. After about an hour or an hour and a half of rest, she would
prepare herself to go to the Dhaka Medical College Hospital to see the dead body. She would
press handkerchief on her eyes after seeing the dead. Photo-journalists would take
photographs. The pictures used to be published in newspapers under the caption that the
daughter of Bangabandhu could not hold her tears at the sight of the dead victim.
On the day of a program for gherao (of surrounding the Secretariat) there was no news about
any dead body till about 2 P.M. Messengers went to various places but no news appeared
about any death. The daughter of Bangabandhu became delirious almost like a mad woman.
The program had started at 10 O’clock in the morning: yet not a single person was reported to
have been killed and the Police had not even fired tear gas shells. A central leader of the Awami
league, Tofail Ahmed who is the Minister for Commerce at present, was munching peanuts and
chatting with policemen under a tree opposite the National Press Club. Another central leader of
the Awami League, Matia Chowdhury, who is now the Minister for Food, was taking corn soup
in a Chinese Restaurant, Sung Garden, in Bijaynagar, which was owned by the daughters of
Bangabandhu, Shaikh Hasina and Shaikh Rehana. News came to Shaikh Hasina that the
minimum environment needed for killing was still not there and that is why no killing could take
place.
In other words, the minimum turmoil needed to create a situation in order to justify killing had not
yet been created. It appeared that the action program of gherao or laying a seize of the
Secretariat had failed; everything was quiet, peaceful and natural; killers were not getting any
pretext of opportunity to kill. Hearing this, the daughter of Bangabandhu ordered, “run fast and
tell Tofail and Matia Chowdhury to do something in order to create some turmoil.” Otherwise,
there would be little justification to continue such program in future.
Someone (meaning the author) went to Tofail and conveyed the message. Tofail got angry. He
said that he did not believe in such things; he believed in constitutional politics. He forbade the
messenger not to repeat such demand to him again and drove him away.
Later, the messenger went to Matia Chowdhury. She heard the message and replied in a loud
voice that it would not be possible for her. But on pressing the demand, she said softly,
emphasizing that she being a woman had her limitations. She got up from the chair, ordered
soup and insisted that the messenger take soup with her.
When these developments were reported to the daughter of Bangabandhu, she brought out
Taka 1 lac or one hundred thousand and insisted that a man must be dead by all possible
means.
It was about 3 P.M. the killers started looking for the kill at the bus stand near Gulistan. A bus
arrived from outside the city. The passengers, men and women, started alighting from the bus.
The killers fired their hand made indigenous pipe guns. Fourteen or fifteen innocent,
unsuspecting passengers fell down on the streets of Dhaka.
As soon as the news reached the daughter of Bangabandhu who was waiting like a vulture, she
felt immensely relieved and repeatedly inquired if the persons were dead. She then tried to
assure herself, saying that the way they had been shot, they must have been dead. She
instructed me to go to the Dhaka Medical College to obtain information as to how many had
been killed. Then she said she was hungry and ordered food.
On return from the hospital when she was informed that 3 victims were lying dead, she left for
the morgue of the Dhaka Medical College and pressed handkerchief on her eyes after seeing
the dead bodies. Photographers took pictures, which were then published in the newspapers.
RELATIONS WITH LEADERS AND ADVISERS
President of the Awami League, Shaikh Hasina has no respect for other Awami League leaders.
She does not value them as much as her own household servants, who enjoy better
consideration from her. She used to say publicly that these leaders were with her in the Awami
League for opportunity and for purpose of extortion. There was no leader in the Awami League
who was not humiliated at least once by her. Of course, the Commerce Minister Tofail Ahmed
and Home Minister Muhammad Nasim were exceptions. These two leaders always maintained
some distance from their leader. Perhaps, it was a matter of strategy or the fear of being
humiliated. It is thought that Tofail Ahmed represented the US lobby in the Awami League. For
this reason, Shaikh Hasina would not generally cause annoyance to Tofail. He also in matters of
political strategy would never oppose Shaikh Hasina. He would always abide by whatever
Shaikh Hasina would ask for, he would never oppose her. Even if he did not like something, he
would remain silent but not oppose openly. Tofail knew all about the politics of arms, bombs,
arsons and killings as well as the widespread extortion. But he never got himself involved in
these matters. He used to pursue a safe, middle course. Even on the platform of a meeting he
would ask the Prime minister if her artillery was ready.
Shaikh Hasina used to be happy at such questions and say with much pride and arrogance -
3000 in Mirpur, 5000 in Narayanganj, 2000 at Farmgate cocktails, bombs and pipe guns were
lying ready. We will flatten the entire country.
Tofail used to inquire of the action troops, meaning the professional killers. She would reply,
“the action troops were ready all over the city. Corpse will be available on order. There will be
no difficulty for us to organize any action program. After hearing all these, Tofail used to ask the
leader to keep everything in readiness.
Although Shaikh Hasina used to attend meetings and demonstrations, she seldom went of the
headquarters of her Party. As a result, leaders used to come to her residence to meet her. But
they were often sent back dismissively either by her servants or her relatives. At one stage, a
member of leaders stopped visiting her. Those few who used to come would humbly request the
author or his wife for arranging a call on the leader. He used to ask the guest to take seat and
would go upstairs to her room. Hasina was often seen watching television or VCR with relatives,
while at the same time singing, dancing and joking.
Unless there was a meeting, demonstration or procession to attend, she would spend most of
the time watching Hindi films with her relations. She used to prefer those films, which showed
dishonest politicians, murders, bribery, black marketers and base characters. She not only used
to watch these characters, but also used to imitate them for use on the people of Bangladesh.
Whenever she was engrossed in watching such films, she refused to meet visiting leaders of
her Party. The author would go downstairs and explain to the visitors that Hasina was in the
locked bedroom and that he should go back home and await a telephone call from Hasina.
Visitors used to understand the excuse and return home with little expectation of receiving a
telephone call. They would approach the author instead of Hasina’s servants and relatives living
in the same house in order to avoid insult to which they were subjected with encouragement
from Hasina herself.
Except for the author and his wife, Hasina used to be surrounded by people with little culture
who neither knew manners nor the knowledge of how to treat gentlemen and ladies They would
not extend customary greetings (salams) to people nor would respond to greetings by others.
She is still surrounded by such people.
NATION OF DOGS
President of the Awami Women’s League, Secretary of the Women’s Section of the Central
Awami League, wife of the Secretary General of the Awami League (at present Minister for
LGED), Ivy Rahman informed Hasina about the reported scandal involving a particular lady.
Hasina immediately responded, “a prostitute, isn’t she? Let the nation of dog be led by a
prostitute.” Ivy Rahman was dumbfounded and left without a word.
ZILLUR RAHNIAN’S APPOINTMENT AS GENERAL SECRETARY
Hasina was talking to Shaikh Hafizur Rahman Tokan, Shaikh Marouf and a few others in the
library room of the Bangabandhu House on Road No. 32 in Dhanmondi. While talking about
selecting the Secretary General of the Party, she said that the present Secretary being a woman
could not be kept in her post. She asked those present to suggest someone, who is a man only
by name but, in fact, weaker and more pliable than a woman. In case a real man like Abdur
Razzak is put in charge then the Party will be destroyed. So, look for someone, who is a man
but has a weak character.
Tokan said, “auntie, How about Zillur Rahman?” Hasina’s response was immediate. “you are
right, he is most suitable.’
Shaikh Marouf said, “no sister, you can not appoint Zillur Rahman. After I5th August, he and his
wife cooked Biryani (special dish) and entertained killers like Dalim and Farouk.”
Hasina replied, ‘I need a person like him. He will behave like a lamb. A lamb even without a
leash stays on the homestead and does not go out of its limit”. Zillur Rabman was appointed the
Secretary General of the Party.
MONEY AND DEAD BODIES
In her personal life Shaikh Hasina does not value anything more than two items - money and
dead bodies. She does not want anything more from her visitors. On her birthday when
someone offered her something other than money, she would scold them and ask for cash. On
her birthday on 28 September 1996, she said the same thing. Unless you pay her cash, you
have no importance to her. She would receive money as if she was being repaid loans taken
from her father. In accepting bribe and in giving bribe no one can match Hasina. When you pay
her a bribe, you will get all the respect and will be offered a chair with much cordiality. The
opposite will happen if bribe is not given.
One day, Shaikh Hasina was with her cousin Shaikh Helal. At that time Bazlur Rahman (Shaikh
Mujib’s P.A. now Shaikh Hasina’s Liaison Officer) went to Hasina with a man saying that the
person wanted to hold a function. Before he could complete his sentence, Hasina got up from
her seat and shouted, “I do not go to any function of any ordinary person. I am the daughter of
the Father of the Nation. Don’t I have any value? Throw this man out of the house and don’t let
him enter here again.” The man was startled and slowly moved towards the door. Before he
could reach the door, Hasina was heard saying, “he does not give any money and claims that
he hails from Chittagong.” The man turned back, briskly came forward and placed two bundles
of 100 Taka notes on the table in front of Hasina. She picked up the bundles quickly like a
falcon and asked him to take a seat. She called the servants and ordered tea and refreshments
for him.
Shaikh Helal started quarreling with Hasina for a share of the money. She told the man that she
would go to their function and asked him to make good arrangements for the function. She also
invited the man to come to her more often.
Hyundai, the Korean contractor in charge of building the Jamuna bridge used to make payments
regularly to Shaikh Hasina from as early as 1992. That is the reason why Shaikh Hasina
remained totally silent and took no effective steps on the official allegations of negligence and
sub-standard performance made against Hyundai after the collapse of the newly constructed
gas pipeline attached to the bridge a few days before its formal inauguration.
Shaikh Hasina never talked about ideals, principles or value of sacrifice to her Party leaders and
workers. Whoever went to her used to be told that she wanted corpse “I have given instruction
to kill and get dead bodies.’ Many of those who are in the present cabinet say that the daughter
of Bangabandhu did not recognize anything other than money and corpse. They used to wonder
how many or how much more they had to provide. The industrialist and Executive Chairman of
the UCBL Bank, Akhtaruzzaman Babu the chief accused in the case of the murder of the
industrialist Zahir, used to wonder how much more money was to be supplied? Some of the
(Industrialists) almost turned bankrupt.
SEPARATE LIVES OF HASINA AND DR. WAZED
Following her return to Bangladesh on 17 May 1981 Shaikh Hasina never lived with her
husband, Dr. Wazed Mia as man and wife. I had already mentioned earlier that following her
return to Dhaka, Shaikh Hasina first resided at her husband’s quarters in Mohakhali, then
moved to Bangabandhu House at Road-32, then to 29 Minto Road, before taking up residence
at Ganabbaban. Hasina never asked him to visit her in these places. Besides, when Shaikh
Hasina used to live at Mahakhali with Dr. Wajed living in the Rest House within the same
compound, they avoided seeing each other. During her stay in Mahakhali and later at her house
on Road-32, before she came to know Mrinal Kanti Das, Shaikh Hasina used to go out routinely
every evening for a couple of hours to an undisclosed place. She would take a bath pot on a
perfume, powder herself, arrange her hair neatly before going out alone with driver Jalal. Except
for that unknown place, Shaikh Hasina never traveled alone in a jeep; she always used to be
accompanied by others.
In 1987, Shaikh Hasina came to know Mrinal Kanti Das, the vice-president of Haraganga
College at Munshiganj. She brought him to Road-32 where he began to live. She gradually gave
up her usual routine of going out to the unknown place in the evening. Till late night, she would
talk and laugh with Mrinal Kanti in the Library room of the Bangabandhu House, having locked
the doors from inside.
Very thin and young Mrinal Kanti Das soon became fat with his hip measuring about seventy
inches. His acceptance to Shaikh Hasina went up so high that it became a matter of jealousy for
all. His influence over Shaikh Hasina became so great that anybody belonging to the Awami
League did not hesitate to salute him as if he was the king of Shaikh Hasina’s kingdom. Mrinal
became so powerful that in 1990 he insulted the General Secretary of the Central Committee of
the Awame League, at present Minister for Environment and Forests, Begum Sajeda
Chowdhury, and sent her out of Bangabandhu Bhaban. As she did not get any redress from
Shaikh Hasina, Begum Sajeda Chowdhury raised this issue at the Working Committee of the
Party. After this incident, Mrinal’s authority became even greater. Shaikh Hasina’s pet relative -
at present Assistant Private Secretary of Prime Minister Bahauddin Nasim and at present her
Chief Security Najib Ahmed and others used to feel grateful in carrying out his orders to fetch
cigarettes for him.
One day in Bangabandhu Bhavan Mrinal was playing cards with four or five people. It was
around 3 or 3.30 p.m. At that time the only maternal uncle of Sheikh Hasina, Akram Mamu,
appeared and in a very suggestive and bad manner told Mrinal, “Oh Mrinal, go, she is waiting
for you. She has not eaten.” Mrinal replied, “Does not matter. Let her stay for sometime, let her
remain hungry.” That Sheikh Hasina was waiting for Mrinal was the message Akram Mamu was
trying to convey to Mrinal. In order to show his authority to those with whom he was playing
cards, he told Mamu that Hasina should wait for him for sometime. Mrinal Kanti Das became
undisputed master of Sheikh Hasina’s kingdom. The sign of that authority became perceptible in
Mrinal's expressions and manners.
Mrinal became arrogant. One day he had a row with Sheikh Hasina and left. Sheikh Hasina
personally went to pacify Mrinal and brought him hack to Bangabandhu Bhaban. After some
days, Mrinal again left angrily. Once again there was a repeat performance.
After losing the 1991 General Elections, Sheikh Hasina left Bangabandhu Bhaban, at Road 32.
As the Leader of the Opposition, she went to live at the allotted government quarter at 29 Minto
Road. She had with her, Mrinal and her three dependant relations, namely, Najih, Nasim and
Naqib.
But Mrinal was very annoyed as Sheikh Hasina allowed her three dependent relations to live in
the same house. At one point of discussion, Mrinal left the Minto Road residence. This time
Sheikh Hasina could not persuade Mrinal to return. He began to talk about his physical
relationship with Sheikh Hasina. He used to laugh and boast that he knew every inch of Sheikh
Hasina’s body.
Sheikh Hasina came to know that Mrinal was spreading these words. After some months, on the
first day of the Bengali year 1401 (14 April 1994) Mrinal went to see her. They met on the
balcony of the first floor. A goat was grazing in the garden below. Sheikh Hasina pointed her
finger at the goat and said to Mrinal, look at that creature. You are like that goat”.
After a year or so, Mrinal began to see Sheikh Hasina regularly but could not restore his former
position. On February 17, 1996, Sheikh Hasina was at Bangabandhu Bhaban. It was evening.
She clasped Mrinal from behind with her aims around his substantial stomach. After this, she
was not seen giving much importance to Mrinal.
WHY HINDUS SUPPORT AWAMI LEAGUE
The Hindus of this country (most of them) firmly believe in Hindustan (land of the Hindus).
They hope that some day Bangladesh will be annexed by the Hindu state of India. In this respect
they regard Awami League as their friend. Hindu community of this country believe that Awami
League is the only reliable Party through which one day Bangladesh could be made a part of
India. That is why the entire Hindu community of this country support Awami League and vote
for Awami League. According to the Secretary General of the Hindu Buddha Christian Unity
Council, Dr Nimchandra Bhowmik, who is a teacher at Dhaka University, Awami League is the
only political party of this country which will support and help India in a clash between India and
Pakistan.
A sweet shop owner, half literate, Ram Hari Majumdar says, “you will see, one day there will not
be any Muslim in the Awami League. Then the Awami League will become a Hindu League. We
believe in Joi Hind (Long live India). Don’t you see how Joi Bangla rhymes with Joi Hind? Also
you see, Joi Doorga, Joi Maa Kaali, Joi Bangla- are very similar. If we do not support Awami
League who will support it then? Awami League is half Hindu - someday it will become full
Hindu.
A high ranking Hindu officer in the forestry department of Bangladesh Cadre Service (BCS).
who is not willing to disclose his name, says, “Awami League believes in the independence of
this country and that is why Hindus have faith in Awami League. Hindus of this country not only
vote for it, but also give it money and advice. They even go beyond it. In reporting a news item a
Hindu journalist would take Awami League’s side. Worst and most dangerous is that many
Hindu judges would also take side. When they begin to hear a case, a Hindu Judge would try to
ascertain the political affiliation of the litigants. An Awami League supporter will be given a light
sentence. On the other hand, supporter of any other Party may be given a heavy sentence.
REMITTANCES
A Hindu, whether he is a businessman or a civil servant, remits the wealth of this country to
India. Hindu civil servants, no matter how they have earned money, legally or illegally, by
corruption or otherwise will remit money to India. The same is true about Hindu businessmen.
Similarly, Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina and members of her family do not consider Bangladesh
as their own country. And that is why, Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina and her sister Sheikh
Rehana do not keep even small amount in this country. They remit most of their legally and
illegally earned money abroad. Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina and the members of her family
remit money mainly to India, Singapore, Hong Kong, London and the USA.
WITHDRAWAL OF VAT
In 1992, Khaleda Zia’s government introduced value added tax (VAT) in Bangladesh. At that
time, the then Opposition Leader Sheikh Hasina and her Awami League started a movement for
the repeal of VAT. In the initial stage of this movement, Sheikh Hasina set a time limit within
which VAT was to be repealed by the government- otherwise hartal would be called.
Someone then asked Sheikh Hasina. ‘you are calling hartal to repeal VAT, what will you do
when you go to power. Will you repeal VAT?”
"We will see that when the time comes”, replied Sheikh Hasina. She went on to observe hartal.
When Sheikh Hasina came to power, she not only retained VAT imposed by Khalada Zia’s
governance but brought in many other items within the scope of VAT.
GAMES
Sheikh Hasina regards herself as the world’s most skilled player and there is none to match her.
She loves to play games. She plays games with everybody - with the people, political leaders,
workers of her own party, her husband. She plays less with her relations. She plays with her
sister, but gets caught and she loses. She also loses against her son and daughter.
She is extraordinary and unique.
The game which Sheikh Hasina plays is the game of deception. She plays this game with
everybody.
LIKINGS AND DISLIKINGS
Favourite food
Tripe (intestine of cow, goat etc)
Favourite song
Zindegi Zindegi (Hindi film song)
Favourite personality
Joti Basu (Chief Minister of Indian state of west
Bengal)
Favourite acquisition
Money
Most disliked person
A deeply pious Muslim
Most pleasure bearing object
A dead body.
Greatest expertise
Telling lies
PRIORITY IN ISSUING INSTRUCTIONS
Sheikh Hasina’s first instruction is to kill. “Kill and throw away the body.” If an Awami League
leader, a worker or a supporter speaks about a person belonging to other political parties or
administration, who does not support Awami League - Sheikh Hasina’s immediate instruction or
order will be, “Then kill him. Throw away the body. I am giving the order to kill.”
If for some reasons, that person cannot be killed, then she will say, “Bribe him. Give him money
and bring him over to our side.”
In 1995, Sheikh Hasina and her associates were traveling by Mawa Road to Tungipara.
Professor Abdul Asem (a citizen of the UK. and a director of BSRS) was talking to her about his
own thana, Nawabganj in Dhaka district. He said that there was no point in nominating a
candidate for election from Awami League because the people of Nawabganj do not like Awami
League and they do not vote for it.
On hearing this, Sheikh Hasina said, “set fire to their houses at night. Burn them down’.
THERE WAS NO LEADER
Sheikh Hasina would not discuss with any leader or a knowledgeable person before taking a
decision. She would consult mainly the young hangers-on and her relations. When she would
join a procession, no leader would he by her side. If by mistake some leader or elderly person
came near her, the young hangers-on would push them aside. Sheikh Hasina saw and understood
this. She used to enjoy such a situation and giggle. Her indulgence allowed these young hangers-
on to misbehave with elderly leaders.
SPEAKS WITHOUT THINKING
Sheikh Hasina says whatever she feels. She would not have discussions with anyone before
making her utterances. The Awami League leaders and well wishers are always worried lest
Sheikh Hasina should utter something which embarrasses all.
On January 10, 1997, Sheikh Hasina was speaking at Ramna park on the occasion of
celebrating the founding of Chatra League (Awami League’s student wing). Suddenly she
turned towards her Minister Mr Tofael Ahmed and said, ‘there is Tofael Bhai and others, who
gave jobs to unfit persons in Bangladesh Cadre (civil?) Service”. This statement was published
in all newspapers on the following day.
After this accusation by the Prime Minister, all those officers belonging to BCS ‘73 batch should
lose their jobs and the then Prime Minister Sheikh Mujibur Rahmnan should be posthumously
tried for appointing unfit persons. If this is not the correct course then these officers should file a
case against Sheikh Hasina on charges of humiliating them.
KING, PRESIDENT, PRIME MINISTER
One day some junior leaders of the Awami League said to Sheikh Hasina’s son Joy, "we are
with you and we will be with you when you become the Prime Minister."
Joy replied, “Prime Minister’? President? By begging votes from the people? I shall never be a
Prime Minister or a President by begging votes. If you make me a king, I shall be with you
otherwise not.”
Immediately, Sheikh Hasina said, “my son, we are kings and queens. Some day you will be a
king. Your grandfather (maternal) was indeed the king of this country. His servants conspired,
killed him and captured the throne. Alibordee Khan was the Nawab of Bengal. After him, his
grandson Serajuddowla became the Nawab. Your grandfather Sheikh Mujibur Raman was the
king of Bangladesh; in future you will become the king of the country. In modern times, kings
and queens are known as Presidents or Prime Ministers.”
PROMISES
Before election, Sheikh Hasina had made three main promises. The first of these was the
granting of autonomy to radio and television. The second was the abolition of Special Powers
Act 1974, which allows persons to be imprisoned without trial. The third was that the Judiciary
would be separated from the Executive.
During Ershad’s time, Sheikh Hasina branded state television channel as Saheb Bibi Golams
Box (King, Queen and servant’s box). During Khaleda Zia’s regime, she called it Bibi Golam’s
Box (Queen and Servant’s Box). Sheikh Hasina used to say this so often.
Now that she is in power, she not only has forgotten her commitments, but has transformed the
television organization in such a way that people call it, ‘Father and Daughter’s Box.
Her second promise was to repeal the Special Powers Act, 1974. But how could the Prime
Minister repeal this black law which is used for holding people without trial? On what grounds
would she do it? This black law was made by her father. Her father, the then Prime Minister
Sheikh Mujibur Rahmnan had imprisoned so many innocent people, including the liberation war
fighters, under this black law. How can she repeal her father’s black law and at the same time
claim that she is the worthy daughter of her father?
That is why immediately after coming to power she said that the question of repealing the
Special Powers Act 1974 did not arise. She really is her father’s true successor. She not only kept
the black law but also kept on applying it fully. She imprisoned four opposition leaders without
showing any reason. The court intervened and fined the Prime Minister for using this law
unjustly. Even then Sheikh Hasina was not ashamed. She did not repeal this law. After all, this
black law was made by her father.
Regarding her third promise to separate Judiciary from the Executive, she is not saying a word.
She has kept total silence about this promise
YES MADAM, CORRECT MADAM
Yes madam, correct madam. That is what they say in the administration whose only job is to
make the Prime Minister and her Ministers happy. They particularly try to make the Prime
Minister and the President (if he is the Chief Executive) happy. When the master orders, even
the servant or the cook may point out good or bad sides of such orders. But, when the Prime
Minister orders, government servants refrain from making any suggestion.
If at 10 or 11 am. the master orders the cook to work outside home, the cook will point out that
this will make preparation of lunch difficult and it may not be ready on time.
But, the main task of the Prime Minister’s Principal Secretary, other Secretaries and principal
officers is to wake up in the morning, pick up pen and paper and be present at the Prime
Minister’s residence. And, when the Prime Minister wakes up and says something, they would
note them down and proceed without offering any suggestion.
They never give any opinion about the propriety or correctness of the work of the Prime
Minister. They only say, yes madam, correct madam, right madam. Government officials do not
find anything wrong but only the rightness in the instructions of the Prime Minister.
In this respect, the opinion of officers is that the responsibilities of taking a decision and doing
things do not rest with them. We are government servants. We will carry out whatever orders are
given by the Government. Whether it is a martial law government or an elected government, we
will continue to work in accordance with instructions of that Government. Whether some action
is good or bad should be determined by the Government and those who elect the Government.
As government officials, our main duty is to satisfy the Government, in particular the Prime
Minister.
AUNT AND NIECE DO IT!
Sheikh Muibur Rahman had only one brother Sheikh Naser. Naser’s widow, who is thus Sheikh
Hasina’s aunt, came to the Prime Minister’s official residence, Ganobhaban and told her, “We
do not see enough of you. You are so busy. That’s why I do not come. You are working hard
and you look tired. Why don’t you do one thing. Declare two days’ holiday a week. Workers will
be happy. We will also find you among us for a longer time.
“You are right, aunt,” replied Sheikh Hasina. Next day, the Prime Minister declared two days’
weekly holiday.
A storm of discussions and criticisms blew over it. Critics noted with surprise the ignorance of
government decision makers regarding two days’ weekly holiday. Even the cabinet ministers did
not know. No one had even raised a demand for two days’ holiday. Newspapers continued to
write about this but failed to find out who had given this suggestion. Nobody knew. Nobody
could discover that the aunt and the niece between them had done it!
WHO HAS TO BE HONEST FIRST
Who has to be honest first? In order to save the country from dishonesty and corruption that has
invaded every layer of the society, who should set the example of being honest first? This kind
of thoughts and questions were in the mind for a long time. But there was no easy answer.
In July 1998, a meeting of the District Forest Officers was held at the Rest House of Cox’s
Bazar. About 20 to 25 DFOs were present. The subject of the discussion was the appointment
of a new Chief Conservator of Forests. There were five candidates for the post. The incumbent
CCF wanted an extension of his service after retirement. Four other Conservators were also
contenders. The discussion related to the amount of bribe a candidate had to give to the
Minister of Forests for this appointment. This amount had to be collected from the DFOs for this
purpose. The amount of bribe to be taken by the Minister of Forests would be shared with the
Prime Minister. She would get a large amount, since the concerned post was very important.
The DFOs thought that only one candidate would get the post and the others would not. In that
case, the DFOs who would be contributing to the losers might have a disadvantage. They might
get transferred to the Headquarters, where there was no scope for earning extra income. It may
be recalled that the DFOs when working in places outside the Headquarters are able to amass
huge amounts of money by illegal means. The DFOs decided unanimously that all the five
prospective candidates for the post should have equal amounts of contributions from each of
the DFOs.
Abdus Sattar who was to be appointed as the new CCF collected all the funds for the Minister of
Forests and the Prime Minister, and instead of paying the entire amount to the Minister, he paid
only a part. Then he went straight to 12 Baily Road. where Shafique Siddiqui, the half-crippled
husband of Sheikh Rehana, the cashier-cum-sister of Sheikh Hasina, had opened a chamber
for receiving people seeking special favors. As Shafique was not there, he went to Sung Garden
restaurant at Bijaynagar owned by Sheikh Hasina and Sheikh Rehana. When he explained his
purpose to the manager Islam, Abdus Sattar was taken to another restaurant of Sheikh Hasina
and Sheikh Rehana, namely Fountain Fortuna at Banani. There, Abdus Sattar handed over to
Shafique Siddiqui the funds meant for the Prime Minister. Sattar was then appointed as the
Chief Conservator of Forests.
What did it boil down to? Who has to be honest first to take the initial step to get rid of corruption
from the country? The President or the Prime Minister, whoever is the Chief Executive, has to
be honest first. Ministers will be honest due to the example of the chief executive. Then would
come the turn of the Secretaries. In this way, honesty and righteousness will be gradually
established all over the country.
However, some hold a different view. Dr. Nazneen Begum Fancy of Dhaka Medical College
Hospital and her husband Dr. Rahmatul Bari Lablu of Sher-e-Bangla Nagar maintain that the
people have to be honest first. People must not elect as their leaders and representatives those
who are not honest. They must not look at the Party candidates but cast their votes in favor of
those who are honest.
This professional medical couple spoke about Dr. Kamal Hossain, a candidate from the
Mohammadpur-Dhanmandi areas during the election in June 1996. They spoke with regret that
they had returned to Dhaka hurriedly from abroad in order to cast votes in favor of an honest
and educated person like Dr. Kamal Hossain. But at the time of counting of votes it was found
that he was defeated miserably, though voters from Dhanmandi and Mohammadpur were all
educated. They therefore hold that the people have to be honest first; they may be right.
TALKING IN THE SAME TUNE
In politics, one has to talk in the same tune. One has to talk in the same tune as that of the
leader of a Party or an Organization. In spite of your being an important leader, you have to talk
the same way as the leader does. If the leader says that it is night during mid-day of Chaitra
(hottest month in Bengali calendar), you hardly can contradict him or her. Otherwise, you will be
unacceptable to the leader. If you do not do so, then you will not be able to excel in politics.
If anyone by mistake or from an honest feeling try to correct the leader, he is unfit and disloyal.
In respect of the leaders in Bangladesh, particularly the President of the Awami League, Sheikh
Hasina. this is the established principle. The first political principle of her is that she can do no
wrong. Those who follow this principle are successful in her political domain.
HAS NOT LEARNT ANY LESSON
Among historical figures who wielded power, whose voice would inspire hundreds of thousands
of people, at whose words people would willingly embrace death, Sheikh Mujib would have an
important place. Some people call him the Father of the Nation; others do not. Most people of
the country do not regard him as the Father of the Nation. That he was President and Prime
Minister of Bangladesh is recognized by all. On August 15, 1975 at dawn when the Muazzin
was calling people to prayer, saying prayer is better than sleep, the most powerful man in
Bangladesh at that time was trying in possible manner to remain alive, just to remain alive, lie
telephoned the Army Chief, the Dhaka Brigade Commander, the Head of his Special Security
Unit, the Inspector General of Police, the Police Control Room, and Ganobhaban staff. But no
response came from anywhere. The Almighty did not send a single person to save Sheikh
Mujibur Rahman and his family. He had so many people, so many weapons, so many followers
and so much of power, but alas, these were of no avail.
Sheikh Mujib’s arrogance increased with each passing day. He arrogantly shouted on the
sacred floor of the Parliament: “Where is that Shiraj Shikdar today”. after the latter had been
shot and killed in police custody. M. A. Rashid, who had read the declaration of independence,
was the General Secretary of the Students League when Sheikh Mujib’s nephew Sheikh Salim
was its President. Due to some quarrel with Sheik.h Kamal, he did not visit Sheikh Mujib for a
long time.
M. A. Rashid said that he knew that Bangabandhu would die soon. In August 1975 when “at the
request of the brother Sheikh Moni, I went to visit Bangabandhu, the latter burst out laughing
and said, ‘is there anyone in the world who will not be present in my darbar (court)’. In that laugh
and words there was so much of arrogance that I felt that his end was near.” The lesson of the
15th August was to fear God, always to remember God, not to consider oneself omnipotent and
to love and respect fellow human beings. Also, one must shun self-praise and boastfulness. But
it is a matter of regret that Sheikh Hasina, Sheikh Rehana, and the members of their family did
not learn anything from the 15th August. If anything, they learnt a bad lesson. They have no
love for any man and get a kind of satisfaction by humiliating others.
WHO HAS HOW MUCH MONEY
There is a joint account in the bank for both Sheikh Hasina and her sister Sheikh Rehana. After
a lot of quarrels between the two sisters, a compromise was effected by opening a joint account.
These two sisters own three departmental stores in the States. One of these is run by Sheikh
Hasina’s daughter Putul and her husband; the second one is managed by her son Joy and the
third is run by Bobby, son of Sheikh Rehana. Besides, the two sisters have between them Tk. 3
to 4 thousand crores (30 to 40 billion @ 1 crore = 10 million) in various countries abroad. Sheikh
Helal MP, a cousin of Sheikh Hasina from the father’s side, owns about 1 thousand crores of
Taka. Prime Minister’s cousin sisters, Luna and Mina, are also owners of hundreds of crores of
Taka. The other cousins of the Prime Minister, Rubel and others have also become owners of
hundreds of crores of Taka. Prime Minister’s uncle Sheikh Hafizur Rahman Tokon has about
500 crores of Taka. Prime Minister’s second cousin and at present her Assistant Private
Secretary Bahauddin Nasim and another cousin of hers, the Chief Security Officer Najib Ahmed
Najib and his brothers, have amassed several thousand crores of Taka. There is hardly a close
relation of Sheikh Hasina who has not made a fortune. Many of the distant ones have not been
left behind in the competition for building personal fortune.
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